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William Davidson Chadick, 4th Alabama Infantry (Source)

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Chaplain William Davidson Chadick, 4th Alabama Infantry, On the Battle

A Brave Chaplain

(Rev. W.D. Chadick, D.D., Cumberland Presbyterian, of Huntsville, Ala, is chaplain of the 4th Alabama Regiment. He wrote a private letter to his wife, an extract from which was sent to the “Banner of the Peace” for publication. We give it below, as giving our views on the right sort of Chaplain. A Chaplain that prays and preaches, and hides himself in the hour of battle will have but little influence on the troops. Well done Chadick!)

“We arrived at the Junction on Saturday, and on Sunday—O how sad the thought!—on Sunday was fought the Waterloo of America! The most fearful conflict ever waged between belligerent forces on this continent. Early on Sunday morning, just as we had waked from our dusty pallets and eaten our humble meal an order came for us to fall into line immediately. About the same moment the thunder of cannon was heard in the distance. Our noble men, with more alacrity than if they had been going to a banquet, buckled on their harness, shouldered their guns and knapsacks, and in a few moments were off on the “double quick.”— The position we were to occupy proved to be about six miles from our camp.— Weary and thirsty, we reached the field of dreadful conflict about 8 A.M. Bull Run, a small brook, divides the grounds occupied by the two contending forces. The position assigned our brigade (commanded by Gen. Bee) was far to the left of this immense line, and was the theatre of one of the most bloody fights ever fought in this or any other country.

Immediately after reaching our position, we found ourselves confronted by a force perhaps ten times our number. Our brave fellows walked up to their work with as much coolness and firmness as could be evinced by the veterans of a thousand battles. I feel safe in saying, that there never has been in any conflict, ancient or modern, a regiment placed in a more perilous attitude than was ours. We were four hundred yards in advance of the main line of our troops—sent there to flank a battery of the enemy on our left. We were at the same time unsupported by any battery of our own. We had to contend with at least four thousand men in our front, sheltered by fences, houses and barns; while we were in the open field, and not even a shrub to protect us from their sight, or their balls. Then on our right we were flanked by a column of more than five thousand men, part of whom were regulars. Before our Colonel was aware of it, our own troops had fallen back not less than a quarter of a mile to our rear, thus leaving us to contend with four or five regiments in our front, and flanked by the same number on our right. We held this potion for two hours under a fearful storm of bullets! Gen. Bee assured our officers that he had sent us an order to fall back long before we did so. Had we remained there five minutes longer, there would not have been one of us left to tell the story of our fate.

Col. Jones, true as steel, as fearless of death as if he were made of marble, never did give an order to fall back; but remained his position, awaiting Gen. Bee’s orders which, as before remarked, did not reach him. Some one, however, gave the order. The Colonel does not know who did it, or by what authority. It was obeyed, and barely in time for our men to escape being surrounded by seven or eight thousand men. Being very much exhausted, I did not see proper to move very fast, and so happened to be the last man off the field. Just before I crossed the fence, I found Phil Brandford (poor fellow) lying on the ground, severely wounded by a ball in the left thigh. He called to me, and said, “O, Doctor, I am wounded. Don’t leave me; do help me off the field!” I instantly raised him up, putting my right shoulder under his left arm, hoping that by supporting his left side I could get him off the field. But after carrying him for this way a few steps, I found that both he and myself were utterly exhausted. He sank down helpless as if he had been dead. I left him with the promise that if I was spared, I would return to him at the earliest practicable moment. I kept my word, and found him soon after the rage of battle had subsided.

(In the meantime he was taken prisoner by the enemy, who dressed his wounds, but had to leave him when they in turn retreated. He is since dead. His untimely fate is much regretted here, where he was a favorate [sic].—M.J.C.)

The next man I found fallen by the way was Col. Jones. He was severely wounded in the hip when he fell. Four of his men (Joe Angell was one of them) took him up, and when I came up with them were carrying him. While being carried thus, with his head to the enemy, he received another shot in the other hip. This, however, is not a dangerous wound. A few moments afterward, Lieut. Col. Law and Major Scott both fell severely wounded, thus leaving our regiment without a field officer.

They however rallied after they got out of the angle of those two overwhelming columns. Gen. Bee himself rode up, saying, “Alabamians, you are all that is left of my command! I will lead you!” and as he was leading them into the second conflict and to final victory, he fell himself, and as true a soldier as ever breathed.

Being left the second time without a leader, our regiment again became more or less scattered; and those who were physically able fell in with others and fought the battle through. At this critical moment, when overwhelmed by numbers (seven or eight thousand of us fighting twenty-five or thirty thousand) reinforcements began to come up from the right wing of our line, and to rain fresh vollies of death upon the villains. Our troops, who were first in the conflict, saved the day by holding that immense mass in check until our help came; and as soon as these got fairly at them, they ran like scared dogs. There never was a more brilliant victory…..The Citizens by whose houses they passed in their flight, represent them as having not only thrown away their guns, but every thing else they could dispense with. Many of them had neither hat shoes, nor even pantaloons on! Many of them were heard to say, as they threw down their guns, “that they would never again take them up against the South.” I have not attempted a general description of the battle, because I am not sufficiently familiar with the details, and because my powers of description are utterly beggard when attempting to paint a scene so unmitigatedly horrible. Our killed and wounded will amount to not less than 3000; that of the enemy no doubt four times that number.

“……I have a Sharps rifle, which I bought at Harpers Ferry. It is one of John Brown’s guns with which he invaded Virginia. It was taken from him when captured. I got a number of cartridges and caps; so in the great battle the other day I fought the rascals with one of their own weapons.

You are misinformed as to my going into lines of battle on horseback. I have never done so. I have gone to or near the places where we expected to fight on my horse, but always dismounted and went to the expected scene of action on foot. I have no place in the ranks, nor any command of any one by myself, and in such cases, no one has command of me, so I choose my own positions. In the battle of the 21st I went with the regiment. I dismounted two miles from the scene of action, gave my horse to a black boy, and walked the remainder of the way. — When the regiment took their position in their line of battle, I took my position on the extreme right, and when the command to “fire” was given, I obeyed it, and continued to do so until we retired from the field. When we fell back in order to escape being outflanked and surrounded by the enemy, I walked away deliberately amid a storm of bullets, bombs, and cannon-shot; but God protected me as I believed he would do. I was not only spared myself, but every one of my church-members and Sunday school scholars came out unscathed; for which I feel devoutly thankful to God. You have no conception of the feelings I have had for those dear boys. They have been almost as near to my heart as if they had been my own sons. I have scarcely ever looked on one of them since we left home without breathing a prayer to God that he would spare them. So far they are safe. May the Lord preserve them still, and return them to their mothers, sisters, and wives. Our boys—Leftwich, Elgin, White, Angell, Reasoner, Lee Allen, Jackson, Oaty, Matt Robinson, Clem Tate, all that I can think of now, are safe.

Wi’lie Lowe is better, and I think will get well. Col. Jones is improving, and I have no doubt will recover. He has suffered immensely, but the worst is over now. He has no bones broken, and the range of the ball in the worst wound is not toward any vital part. I have been with him day and night ever since we came here, a week ago to-day, and up to within the last day or two would not let any one else touch him, not even his physicians. This accounts for my not having written sooner.

Your affectionate husband,
W.D. Chadick
Orange C.H. Va.

(Tuskegee, A) South Western Baptist, 8/29/1861

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Contributed and transcribed by John Hennessy

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#113 – Lieut. George S. Davidson

 

Report of Lieut. George S. Davidson, Commanding Section of Artillery

O.R.– SERIES I–VOLUME 2 [S# 2] — CHAPTER IX, pp. 563-564

HEADQUARTERS GENERAL N. G. EVANS’ COMMAND,

Stone Bridge, July 23, 1861

GENERAL: The second section of Latham’s battery, under my command, was on the morning of the 21st stationed on the hill commanding the stone bridge over Bull Run and its approaches. It was on the south side of the turnpike, and about six hundred yards west of the bridge. About 6 o’clock a.m. the enemy appeared on the high ground east of the bridge, nearly opposite my position. They opened fire from a single piece of rifled cannon, which was stationed on high ground north of the turnpike, not less than three-quarters of a mile east of my position. The fire from this piece and others near the same position was kept up at intervals until near 9 o’clock a.m.

About this time it was known that the enemy was forming in force upon your left flank. I was ordered to join Major Wheat’s command, which lay nearly a mile northwest of my first position. I passed by Van Pelt’s house, and went on to the Carter house, about one hundred yards northeast of which I placed my section in battery. Finding that the enemy, still encroaching upon our flank, had changed his position, I was ordered by yourself to return to the turnpike, which I followed to a high point about fifteen hundred yards west of the stone bridge. I placed my pieces in battery on open ground within two hundred yards north of the turnpike. From this position you ordered my second piece, under Lieut. Clark Leftwich, to advance along the turnpike and up the Sudley road. He accordingly took position about one hundred yards east of the Sudley road, bearing nearly five hundred yards north from the stone house of Matthews.

From this position Lieutenant Leftwich opened upon the enemy, advancing along the Sudley road, about one thousand yards distant. He inflicted considerable injury upon them, and maintained his position until our infantry had retired. He then retired to a hill south of the turnpike, and about one thousand yards distant from and west of Robinson’s house. Here he remained, firing upon the enemy until he had expended all ammunition from his limber chest. The horses of the caisson having run off, Lieutenant Leftwich came to ask me for ammunition, which I being unable to furnish him, he proceeded to the Lewis house, where he rejoined and reported to Captain Latham.

Lieutenant Leftwich had not fired more than six or eight times from his first position on the Sudley road when the enemy advanced toward our right (as our regiment then fronted), and came within range of my gun. I immediately opened fire upon him, which I kept up until I found the enemy advancing along the Sudley road toward my position. I then moved my gun into the turnpike immediately at the mouth of the lane leading to Robinson’s house, and fired upon the enemy with canister, and with good effect, until he had come up within one hundred and fifty yards of my gun. Having expended my ammunition, I reported my command to Captain Latham, then posted on Lewis’ farm, about four hundred yards east of the house.

I cannot close my report without testifying to the courage and coolness of my gunners, Charles Perry and James B. Lee. The men also served at the guns in a manner highly honorable to them. I had one man wounded by a shell, but met with no other casualties, except that I broke a caisson pole and a gun-carriage axle while obeying your double-quick command along the turnpike to my third position north of the turnpike. About the same time also a wheel ran off from my gun-carriage. I, however, repaired these damages and went on.

Respectfully, general, your most obedient servant,

GEORGE S. DAVIDSON

Brig. Gen. N. G. Evans

Sgt. Clement D. Fishburne, Rockbridge Artillery, On the Campaign (2)

From the time of the first skirmish (AN Falling Waters) Jackson’s little army was active, marching up and down this valley south of Martinsburg several days. We came up to a place call Darkeville, no village, but the home of a man name Darke I believe. There was a good spring near and a small stream which passed eastward across meadowland which stretched out for a mile in that direction. On either side the fields were covered with fine grass and we were encamped in this place several days and nights. I well remember the beautiful nights spent there. Our Battery was nearest the Pike and by this time other troops had been brought up from some were, Harpers Ferry I believe, and other Batteries were near us but not in sight, being on the west side of the Pike in a more rolling and wooded part of the country. Other Infantry, be sides Jackson’s four Regiments had also bivouacked near his. I was a private and though Chief of Caisson , known as No 8, was not a non-commissioned officer then and had guard duty to perform. I had my tour from 12 to 2 at night. The sky was as clear and beautiful as you ever saw it. A long comet stretched many degrees across, almost directly overhead, the camp fires did not at that hour burn brightly but were kept up along the line of troops, who occupied the meadows and open fields in sight of us for more than a mile. The only sounds were made by the occasional sentinels, or the horses, or the officers, who went out to relieve the guards. There was nothing disagreeable in the aspect of the war. The duties of a sentinel in our Artillery camp was very light and simple and free from danger. We had merely to walk to walk in front or rear of our guns; or near our horses, to prevent any attempt to interfere with either and very little ground to apprehend any such attempt on the part of the enemy as the outside of the large camp was well guarded by Infantry men and the Cavalry were picketed still further out in the direction of the enemy. A sentinel with a poetic fancy could have enjoyed such a life as much as the Eastern Shepherds are supposed to have enjoyed a life under the stars while employed in watching their sheep by night.

About this time we had our first sight of Gen Joseph E. Johnston, who came down to take command of the Army. He impressed every one as a “game looking” man. He was not large but was intellectual looking, well mounted and was a superb horseman. He sat his steed like a part of the animal and there was trust about him which impressed us all with the idea that he was at home n the management of an army as well as of a horse.

One day whilst at this place we were all, infantry and artillery ordered to prepare for battle and each man was provided with a days rations. As some of the companies were uniformed in dark cloth coats, not unlike some of the uniforms of the Federal Regiments, we were all required to have white cotton strips around one arm as a sort of badge by which in the confusion of a battle we could distinguish friend from foe. Early in the morning we were called up and these strips of white cotton cloth torn in four inches wide were issued by the quartermaster Sergt and tied on our arms. We were then taken a short distance from our camp and put in line of battle near the summit of a slight range of hills , which at that point extended eastward from the Turnpike road near the place Darkesville. We were green soldiers then and were deeply impressed with the belief that Patterson was very near and approaching. We spent a day in position here. No being allowed to roam along the whole line of battle I cannot say how far it extended from personal observation, but believe it was several miles long. That part of the Valley had many inhabitants who desired to be neutrals in the war and many whose sympathies were with the Federals. No doubt this great army was duly reported to Patterson with exaggerations perhaps, at any rate we were left undisturbed by him. We all became satisfied afterwards that the grand display of preparation for a desperate general engagement was a deliberate ruse planned by Gen Johnston to try his own men and get them used to “wars alarms” as well as deter Patterson from an immediate advance. The next day or very soon thereafter we began our march back toward Winchester, which we reached in a few days after most ?? experience in the Stone road in the very hottest of July weather. There was great scarcity of water along the road which added to the discomfort. We encamped a few days before we got to Winchester and then on the extreme north east of that town we again encamped in an orchard which was enclosed with a plank fence. There were many miles of this sort of fence in sight and many rock fences. After a comfortable rest one morning we were called up unusually early an intimation of approaching danger in Dr (Captain) Pendletons morning prayer and soon had orders to have three days rations prepared. Everyone was alive and stirring. Soon a regiment of Infantry came and stacked arms and immediately began to level the plank fences near us, cutting down the posts and throwing the fences flat. This looked liked business and we were experiencing again a touch of “Wars Alarms” for infantry regiments were passing to and fro and we were in readiness all to be ordered into position.

In the afternoon however of one long July day, the 18th of July, I believe it was (1861) we were ordered into line of march and the route taken was back toward Winchester. We entered the town and came out the S. West corner of it and (as soon discovered from the Winchester boys who were in the Battery) we the road leading towards Manassas or Ashby Gap. After we had gone that route for a couple of miles, we were halted to hear read by General Jackson’s adjutant a spirited general order from General J.E. Johnston to the extent our troops under Beauregard were probably engaged in a desperate conflict and that we were expected to rush to his aid and fight for our country and all that was dear to us. The order was received with a shout and we pressed on to keep our place in the advancing army. We reached the Shenandoah River that evening about dark and crossed it, some of the men wading and others riding behind mounted friends. We crossed the mountain in the night and arrived at 2 AM at a small place called Paris. I believe in Fauquier County, near the top of the mountain on the eastern side. I was riding behind some mounted man of the company, probably Dr. John Leyburn who as surgeon had a horse along and being ahead of the guns, we got permission to occupy a bed at a house at this place and wait for the arrival of the rest of the Battery. We tried to sleep in a feather bed in a closed room and tried in vain. We rested but rested poorly. We imagined the inability to sleep was due to the fact that we had grown accustomed to sleeping on the ground and with no covering above us but the sky. That was only partially true perhaps for even now, sleeping on a feather bed in July is not easily accomplished by men who are in the habit of luxuriating on hair or shucks. When daylight came we got some breakfast and looked for our guns which were near to us and soon they were brought together, the roll was called and we marched on a few miles crossing the Manassas Gap RR at a depot called Piedmont, and went into camp at a well to do looking farm house on the side of the road leading to White Plains and Manassas Junction. This was said to be the residence of a maiden lady whose name I have forgotten. She and many other ladies present greeted us gleefully and extended the hospitality of the mansion to us, not to me precisely, for I believe I did not get any benefit from their hospitable intentions from them then to get a canteen full of milk, which some more enterprising forager then myself procured for me. We rested in the shade of the magnificent tree on beautiful grass till about dusk when the men (some of whom had strolled about to neighboring farm houses) were got together and we set out on a night march. I did not know the country and do not know it know, but the “Plains” was the name of the place we stopped and in that or some other village the company rested in the street for a couple of hours just before daybreak and men slept on porches, boxes pavement etc., and it was hard to get them some of them from their resting places, uncomfortable as they were, when the signal was given to resume the march. We proceeded however till about sunrise when we stopped to feed the horses, and got some rest again. We continued the march till 3 or 4 o’clock Pm when we halted at Manassas Station on the Orange and Alex R. Road. Here was all the desolation with which we afterward became familiar, such as is marks a place where soldiers have been encamped and where they get supplies. We had been parched with heat, chocked with dust and were thirsty as well as hungry and found only one well of water and that was guarded by a sentinel whose orders prevented our getting any part of it. Our Captain had gone to get instructions as to future movements and here we lay in the sun and filth waiting for more than hour, perhaps two hours, to see what next was to happen to us. At last the orders came and we set out, riding in the carriages, ?? which was a relief, to find our camp which had been assigned to us as part of Gen Jackson’s Brigade.

After a rough ride, across fields, we got to Bull Run and the neighborhood of the infantry of the Brigade who had already gone into camp and rested, as they had gone from Piedmont on the cars. As soon as the guns halted I lay on the ground and slept as I never had slept before, sound as a rock. I was aroused up to get some supper and my mess mates and bed mates, were kind enough to let me share in the results of their labors without reproaching me from my neglect of duties. After a hearty meal, the nature of which I do not recall, I fell into my sleeping place under the trees, not far from the creek, which had two days before been the scene of the Battle of Bull Run, the 18th July fight, and again slept the most unconscious sleep that ever fell to the lot of man. I heard nothing and dreamed nothing till the sun was well up, when I was roused by the stir of the camp and soon heard the report of a 30 pounder which was said to be near Centerville and which was fired at random in our direction. Captain Pendleton had also slept hard or had been so considerate as to not rouse us up at his usual hour for morning prayers. The camp was soon fully roused, for there was no toilet making to take up time and after one of the Captain’s alarming prayers, we got breakfast, and under orders, filled our haversacks with a days rations. In the course of an hour we had orders to hitch up and form into column of march and wait for orders. We were in a hollow or ravine running down to the creek and not far from the latter, perhaps fifty feet. We were formed with head of column up the ravine, southward and whilst there saw groups of men and officers, and some of our own men joined them, on an open hill to the front and left of our own column. They seemed to be watching with interest some movements of the enemy north of the Creek (Bulls Run) in the direction of Centerville. Presently a report from a big gun which had first roused us was heard and there was a commotion on the hill as a shot passed near the hill top. Another soon followed and that passed over the creek and struck the ground not many yards to the left and front of our first gun. Then Captain Pendleton marched us up the ravine and to the right under cover of and around the piece of woods in which we had encamped and proceeding and proceed southward finally halted us after going a mile or more near a well traveled road which appeared to run east and west, parallel with Bull Run.

The dust on the road was deep and the sun was fearfully hot. We went to the edge of the road in a small field, not over a hundred yards from the road and here we waited. The country here abouts is rolling but has no very elevated points from which we could make out what was going on outside the woods which bounded our vision westward. We could see great clouds of dust and could distinguish the fact that a fight was in progress west of us several miles in which artillery and musketry were freely used. We then began to realize that we would be probably engaged in a bloody battle, but it is impossible for me to describe my sensations. I certainly did not long for a part in the fray but was resigned to obey orders and hope for a bloodless encounter. How long we had been standing near the Bull Run and marching to the our present resting place and how long we had rested here I do not now recall, but at last there was the clatter of horse feet and the clashing of armor which announced the passage along this road from the east of a group of officers and mounted men. They halted opposite to us and voice called out inquiring what artillery this was. Captain Pendleton approached and answered the inquiry and was ordered in somewhat peremptory tone, I thought to advance along the road which would be pointed out by a courier. The cavalcade of officers who consisted as we learned afterwards of Gen J.E. Johnston and other Generals and their staff officers and couriers and dashed off in the direction of the firing and we all mounted limber chests and caissons and advanced at our best speed in the same direction. We went a mile or more before we saw any unmistakable signs of battle. Then we began to see men straggling back who said the battle was going on hotly and many intimidated that all was lost. Presently we met wounded men who called for us to hurry on, some badly wounded were being helped back by comrades and it struck us that the wound and their comrades were less despondent than the sound men whom we met. Some of the suffers called out words of encouragement. Our rapid motion and the frequent running conversations with these men whom we met kept us from any grave reflections on the dangers into which we were venturing. At last we halted in the road not far from the “Lewis” House to wait from some definite orders as to where we should go. While here we saw the Staunton Artillery, Captain Jno D Imboden, slowly drawing back, badly crippled as we all then thought. Having some acquaintances in the company, Will Nelson and T. Waddell and others, we got some information as to what had been done. From their account of it we learned that this battery had been engaged and had lost some horses and some men wounded, perhaps had left a piece of artillery on the field, but of that I am uncertain. At any rate the men were not demoralized and on the whole we were encouraged to hope at least that we might fight and yet live to fight another day without having to run away. They were simply falling back under orders and did not know what would be their next orders, whether to form in another part of the line or not. Before many minutes delay were piloted to the left down a wagon road through a pine and stunted oak thicket and up again from a small branch to the hill on the crest of which we finally unlimbered and commenced the work of the day. As we went through the woods rising towards the final fight ground, the shell and Minnie balls from the enemy made a terrible racket over our heads and near us, and we passed one of the Washington College boys who belonged to the 4th VA infantry in our brigade, taking care of a wounded comrade who afterwards passed??, a youth well known to many of our company. He and many others had been wounded while lying on the ground near the top of the hill awaiting orders.

We reached the top of the hill and turned to our right in an old field and unlimbered our guns and commenced firing to the left of the direction in which we entered the field. Just in the rear of the Battery we found the infantry lying on the ground. The Colonels and field officers at the head of each and Jackson riding backwards and forwards in front of them. When we approached he gave orders where each gun should take position, just in front of his infantry, except one gun which was sent a little to the right of his line. Im not much of draftsman but on the opposite page I give a rough outline of our position, and of the Henry House (AN not present on microfilm). There was a stunted growth in front of us down the hill and part of the way up the opposite hill, on which was located the Henry House and near this house were trees, an orchard I believe. The enemy artillery was near it and they were firing rapidly shells, which sounded horribly as they passed over our heads. In front of us somewhere, perhaps in the shelter of the brush were the Federal Infantry, who Minnie balls, kept a racket about our ears that was worse than mosquitoes. The only human way of accounting for our not having been knocked to pieces before we got into position and directly afterwards is that the enemy’s artillery was fired too high. The Minnie balls missed us because we occupied a very little of the space through which they passed and because kind providence sent them into unoccupied spaces.

I do not recall the fact that I was frightened badly, but do recall the fact that I wished it was all over and I was well out of it. I was fortunately employed, as the orders were to use ammunition in the caissons first and leave the limber chests untouched. Our guns were four in number and the gun I was with was the howitzer. Next on the left was the 6 pounder brass gun at which Liv Massie was No. 1. One other gun was so far to the left of us that a gun of another battery came in between it and our fourth gun was some distance to our right. At the usual regulation distance in rear of each gun was its limber chest and about 14 feet in the rear of that were the heads of the horses of the caissons. All the horsed heads were turned to the front. Some anxiety had been expressed lest we would have difficulty in holding the horses, which we assumed would be scared and give us trouble. Men were assigned to duty to aid the drivers if necessary. To our surprise the horses seemed to be perfectly indifferent to the danger and the only trouble was to keep them from getting tangled in harness in their effort to eat the scanty grass at their feet.

I was chief of caisson and had to give out ammunition to the men who were detailed to carry it to the gun. Our caisson chests had been made in Winchester and were mounted on the running gear of common country wagon, so that I could not stand on the ground and get out their contents. I had to be helped up and sat on the edge and in this position I reached out the ammunition and handed it to the men who carried it. Whilst occupying this perch I confess that I had too much time to consider the situation and remember distinctly wondering if it would be unsoldier like in me to dodge these Minnie balls which were flitting by my ears or to bow when those horrid shells passed over me. I saw Capt. Pendleton who had just been commissioned Colonel make a motion like dodging and thought there could be no harm in it, but I saw Gen Jackson while riding along his beat was often not fifty steps in rear of me, sitting on horse which had been shot in the thigh, with his chin cocked up as if he was expecting a rain and was not adverse to having a drop of it on his face. He had his hand raised wrapped in a handkerchief and was evidently wounded, but he refused to dodge. I do not know whether I tried to imitate him or not, but I shall say that I bowed involuntarily more then once. I learned by the way that, afterwards that dodging was not inconsistent with the highest courage and was quite allowable provided a fellow did not lose his wits and conclude to get out of danger before his orders came to do so.

One Minnie ball was kept from me by the lid of the chest out of which I was getting ammunition and whilst I was in the act of handing a shell to Smith (Rev J.P. Smith afterwards on Jackson’s Staff) over the wheel of the caisson, a ball struck the wheel and glanced and hit him on the forearm. He felt it severely of course and I saw it drop to the ground at his feet and pointed it out to him. He put it in his pocket and hurried to the gun with the shell. He found that afterwards that the ball which had been flattened on the wheel had made a broad blue bruise on his arm and had stiffened considerably.

During the progress of the fight I had to dismount and assist one of the drivers, Bob Lewis, to detach one of the horses which had been struck by a Minnie on the upper part of the hoof. When we got him out we found he could still walk and we put him back again. I remember also that I regretted that I was not alongside Liv Massie whom I could see working vigorously at his gun. He seemed to be very busy and as cool as if he was playing baseball, which is not a cool play however. His excitement seemed to be gratifying to him. From where I was on duty I could not well see the position of the enemy, but when I got down to fix the horse, I took a peep and learned the position of the enemy’s artillery. The practice which we had in the Valley in estimating distance enabled our gunners to know very how far off was their target and as it was very nearly at point blank range for our guns, we rarely missed doing good execution every time. We afterwards found that Col Ricketts battery with which we were engaged was a splendidly equipped Battery in US service, the same which had won glory in Mexico, six 10 pounder parrot guns with six horses to each gun and each caisson and that our guns aided by a few guns of another battery had knocked it into a heap. The horses and men were piled together and not force enough left to take them off the field. The range was too short for these rifled guns and the gunners in all probability did not know it.

During the progress of the battle I saw a caisson which was on line with mine and about fifty steps to the left (east) explode. The explosion being caused by a one of the enemy’s shells which had been better aimed than the rest. I saw the chest fly up and there was a huge blaze and much commotion. Some of the men had their shirts burnt, they were in their shirt sleeves, and were themselves scorched a little but not seriously. There was some commotion with the horses but it was soon quieted and the dreadful work went on. This caisson belonged to a Richmond Battery which had been put into position immediately to the left of the gun that Massie was at and between that gun and our extreme left hand gun.

At last the order was given to “limber up” and to say that it was not a welcome sound to most of us would be scarcely true. I certainly was pleased to hear the order, but could not tell whether it meant that we would advance or fall back. Immediately however and whilst we were executing this order the infantry in our rear was called up from their recumbent posture and fell rapidly into line by regiments. I knew the field officers of the 4th Va Regt, which was nearest to me and heard them their orders and just as we were moving out toward our right, this regiment advanced over the ground we had occupied at a double quick and went out of sight with a yell down the hill in the direction of the Henry House. We went slowly out from the line which we had occupied and as soon as the guns were all brought together, we slowly made our way down the hill by a line parallel with that along which we had gone up and made our way out of the woods to the cleared ground nearest to and west of the Lewis House. Here we halted and the men and officers tumbled to the ground, waiting for orders and wondering what we had done and what next we would have to do. Whilst there we were making conjectures as to how long we had been engaged. Some said 15 minutes some said an hour. I and many others thought we had been engaged about 30 minutes. Lieut Wm McLaughlin (afterwards Capt and Col of Artillery) who had started us at these conjectures settled the question. He had looked at his watch when the first order was given to commence firing and found it to be 2 o’clock. When the order to was given to cease fire firing it was 4 ½ o’clock. We had been at work then two hours and half and whilst it was by no means pleasant work to any of us, time flew rapidly.

We lolled here for some time listening to the sounds of battle which seemed to go westward, leading us to hope that the enemy was giving way and that our troops were pursuing. Soon these hopes were sustained by rumor and from our position after a while we could at a distance and north westwardly from us see indications of a disorderly retreat along the road toward Centreville on the north side of Bulls Run not far from the Stone Bridge which was a prominent feature in the accounts of the battle given afterwards by both sides. A battery some hundreds of yards west of us, which had also been engaged and had been withdrawn as ours had been to await orders was posted and one of the guns ran forward to a point of the hill and opened on the mass which we saw moving northward from the Bridge. Soon a few shots were fired from a gun or guns on the north side of Bulls Run in reply to this gun from our neighboring Battery and a solid shot took off the head of one its Lieutenants, a Lieut. Macon of Richmond. That was the only damage done and the firing from the north side ceased and I suppose the battery from which they came ceased to exist as a battery. We were so near when this sad death occurred that no little gloom was cast over us. It was like a death by violence in cold blood. Macon was merely like we were, looking at the retreat and watching with interest the effect of the firing from the only gun of his battery that was then engaged.

Before sun down we were assured the infantry of our Brigade had dashed forward with other troops and had driven the enemy from the ground near the Henry House and had pursued them till they were exhausted, in the direction of the main road leading to Centreville. Some of our men got permission to go back to the battle field and they returned to us loaded with canteens, haversacks, well filled with “hard tack” and oil cloth and woolen blankets. Others went with a horse or two and came back supplied with many luxuries which we had never known. Among the plunder brought to us were large tarpaulins used to cover the guns and caissons of the celebrated Rickett Battery which we had knocked into uselessness.

We went into camp very near the Lewis House and had our supper for the most part from the haversacks of the enemy. We slept as usual in the open air, for we had no tents and had none up to that time and about 2 o’clock in the morning were waked by the rain which seemed to be coming very gently but steadily. I crawled under one of the captured tarpaulins which was lying near and slept till morning. When we were roused a more forlorn and miserable looking set of men were never seen. Some of us were thoroughly wet, all more or less muddy, the horses wet, the camp equipage wet and dirty and no fires were lighted and what was worse no fuel was prepared with which to kindle fires. The day before had been clear and hot and the fatigue and excitement had prevented any provision for a rainy day. We had not examined the water supply or the wood supply and here we were all drenched and without breakfast. The horses had first to be cared for and how this was done I had no personal knowledge, but it was done some how. Cooking had to be done and the men went to the neighboring fences, where any were left and got rails or to the woods which were not far off and got together fuel. Then came the difficulty about water. We found that the well at the Lewis house was protected by a sentinel in as much as that house had been converted during the night into a hospital. We tried to catch water from the roof of the house, but to our disgust found that part of it flowed from the roof of a long back porch and that on that roof the limbs which had been cut off from wounded soldiers in the upper rooms had been thrown. We were afraid to use the water from the streams which were then flowing freely at the foot of every hillock, because we did not know but that this water flowed from some field hospital or washed the spot where some poor fellow had shed his life blood. I don’t remember exactly how we finally got our breakfast or what we had for breakfast, certainly we had no ?? dishes. The great absorbing questions now were how has this command fared, what loses, did this friend escape and so on. This was the first battle and Regiments and companies were not so well organized as they afterwards became and there was much straggling. Men did not, event those who had done their duty, fully know where to find their headquarters. Many of them did not rejoin their commands for several days and tidings of them could not be got. This was less true for the artillery men for they had to stay with their guns and horses and these staid together and were a rallying point. None of men were missing and very few were hurt. The wounds of these were not very serious. Lieut. Brockenbrough was slightly wounded in the foot and got a furlough, Smith was wounded by a spent ball as I have described and I think Sergt Jordan was slightly wounded. As many of our men of our men were from Rockbridge Co. Va, they were anxious to know the result of the battle and the damage done to the Rockbridge infantry companies, two of which were in the 4th Va. I had several friends and acquaintances in that Reg and in the 5th Va, which were the Augusta County companies.

During that day we were called on to bury young Davidson, a private in a Rockbridge Infantry company and brother of the Greenlie Davidson whom we all knew well. He had been wounded in the stomach and was carried into an out house in rear of the Lewis House and very near our battery. He wound had been mortal and when I saw him he was dead. We had nothing to dig a grave with our battery not being supplied with spades as batteries usually are, but we got axes, staves and such things as we could and made a grave wherein we laid him enshrouded in the old blanket on which he was lying and coffined with barrel stave which we laid over his body. It was a sad scene, this rainy, dreary day after the victory, a band of soldiers some of them personally unknown to the poor fellow, laying away his body in this ignoble grave.

Many of the brave young fellows who had entered the army with the belief that we would be victorious heroes after a six month war, ended their lives on this bloody field. This battle, called the Battle of Manassas was fought on the 21sst of July 1861. Subsequently, in 1862 another battle was fought on nearly the same ground called the 2nd Manassas Battle, in August 1862, in which the relative positions of the two armies on the field were reversed. The confederates were victorious in both and Stonewall Jackson was a prominent figure in each. I was not at 2nd Manassas.

We spent the 22 and 23 of July miserably in the mud and rain near the Lewis House and about the 24th or perhaps the 25th we removed and went into camp a few miles distant, but I cannot exactly recall where it was. My father visited me whilst at this camp, having gone down to for himself how it faced with me and with my brother, Elly whose Regt, the 1st Va Cavalry under Col Stuart had done service on the retreat of the enemy towards Washington. I walked over part of the Battlefield with Father and the scenes we witnessed did not encourage us to stay long or to make a very thorough examination. Many of the dead had been overlooked by the burial corps and the stench from the dead horses was dreadful. There was a remarkable absence of birds of prey about the field of Battle.

Clement Fisburne Memoir – Rockbridge Artillery – University of VA Acc No. 2341 (pg A-Z of Notebook 1 and pgs 1-17 of Notebook 2.) No date was given but it was likely around the time that the “Historical Sketch of the Rockbridge Artillery.” Southern Historical Society Papers, 23 (1895), was written as portions of both text match somewhat.

Contributed and transcribed by John Hennessy

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Unit History – 2nd Tennessee Infantry PACS

Was organized in May 1861, and mustered into Confederate service at Nashville, Tennessee, and mustered into Confederate service at Lynchburg, Virginia. Its members were recruited in the counties of Rutherford, Maury, Davidson, Bedford, Trousdale, Shelby, and Sumner. The unit was assigned to J. G. Walker’s and French’s Brigade, fought at Aquia Creek and First Manassas, then in February, 1862, returned to Tennessee. Later it was attached to Cleburne’s, L. E. Polk’s, Tyler’s, and Palmer’s Brigade. After fighting at Shiloh, Richmond, and Perryville, the regiment participated in the campaigns of the Army of Tennessee from Murfreesboro to Atlanta, then was involved in Hood’s Tennessee operations and the Battle of Bentonville. It lost thirty-seven percent of the 300 at Richmond, had 4 killed and 39 wounded at Murfreesboro, and of the 264 engaged at Chickamauga, more than sixty percent were disabled. The unit totalled 262 man and 146 arms in December, 1863, had 133 in action at Ringgold Gap, but could muster only 65 after the battle of Nashville. Few surrendered on April 26, 1865. The field officers were Colonels WIlliam B. Bate and William D. Robinson; Lieutenant Colonels John A. Butler, David L. Goodall, and William J. Hale; and Majors WIlliam R. Doak and William T. Driver.

From Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army, p. 276

Unit History – 7th Louisiana Infantry

(Also called the Pelican Regiment) was organized in May, 1861, and entered Confederate service at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, in June. The men were from New Orleans, Baton Rouge, Donaldsonville, and Livingston. Ordered to Virginia with more than 850 men, the unit served under General Early at First Manassas. Later it was brigaded under R. Taylor, Hays, and York. It was prominent in Jackson’s Valley Campaign and on many battlefields of the Army of Northen Virginia. The 7th served from the Seven Days’ Battles to Cold Harbor, then was involved in Early’s operations in the Shenandoah Valley and the Appomattox Campaign. It took 827 men to First Manassas, had 132 disabled at Cross Keys and Port Republic, and lost 68 during the Seven Days’ Battles and 69 in the Maryland Campaign. The unit sustained 80 casualties at Chancellorsville and 24 at Second Winchester, lost twenty-four percent of the 235 engaged at Gettysburg, and had 180 captured at Rappahannock Station. It surrendered with no officers and 42 men. The field officers were Colonels Harry T. Hays and Davidson B. Penn, Lieutenant Colonels Charles DeChoiseul and Thomas M. Terry, and Major J. Moore Wilson.

From Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army, p. 145

Unit History – 11th (21st) North Carolina Infantry

Was a twelve month company command organized in Danville, Virginia, in June, 1861. Men of this unit were recruited in Davidson, Surry, Forsyth, Stokes, Rockingham, and Guilford counties. It was assigned to General Trimble’s, Hoke’s, Godwin’s, and W. G. Lewis’ Brigade. After taking part in the Battle of Manassas and Jackson’s Valley operations, the 21st participated in many conflicts of the army from Seven Days’ Battles to Bristoe. It was then involved in the engagements at Plymouth, Drewry’s Bluff, and Cold Harbor, marched with Early to the Shenandoah Valley, and saw action around Appomattox. The unit sustained 80 casualties at First Winchester, 13 at Cross Keys and Port Republic, 45 during the Seven Days’ Battles, 51 at Groveton, 18 at Sharpsburg, and 24 at Fredericksburg. It lost 78 at Chancellorsville, twenty-eight percent of the 436 at Gettysburg, and 52 at Plymouth. In April, 1865, it surrendered with 6 officers and 117 men of which 40 were armed. The field officers were Colonels Robert F. Hoke and William W. Kirkland; Lieutenant Colonels Saunders Fulton, B. Y. Graves, James M. Leach, Rufus K. Pepper, William S. Rankin, and William L. Scott; and Majors James F. Beall, Alex. Miller, W. J. Pfohl, and J. M. Richardson.

From Joseph H. Crute, Jr., Units of the Confederate States Army, pp. 224-225

“Our Corporal”, 5th South Carolina Infantry, On the Campaign

EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

Fairfax Station, Fairfax County, Va.
Tuesday Evening, July 23, 1861.

Dear Enquirer: – Last Sabbath, the 21st, was perhaps the most solemn, stirring and eventful day ever witnessed on the American continent. We have fought a long and hotly, even desperately contested battle; and won a great and signal victory, by the stout arms of our soldiery, the towering genius of Johnston, Davis and Beauregard, and the gracious blessing of Heaven. Though thousands of tender hearts must bleed at the South, yet a thrill of joy at the success of our arms will pervade millions. We pray that it may teach our enemies the utter folly of their bloody designs, and lead them to the paths of peace.

To give you a just conception of the “stupendous whole,” we must begin with the beginning. On Wednesday morning the contending hosts began to “mobilize,” in order to make and resist the onset. About 10 o’clock on that morning, the 5th Regiment received orders to march forward: and by 1 o’clock, leaving knapsack, clothing and every impediment behind, except a single blanket and three days provisions, crossed Bull’s Run, where the 17th and 18th Mississippi Regiments, constituting the remainder of Gen. Jones’ brigade, encamped for the night. Our regiment filed up Rocky Run, a small stream that flows down among rugged hills from the northward, and two miles farther on lay all night on their arms in an ambush, in expectation of the advancing enemy. They failed, however, to reach us during the night; but were so close upon us next morning that some of our rear guard came very near being picked off, as we retreated to the Mississippi Regiments on the Run.

I may as well here, by way of episode, tell you, that McDowell’s plan was to make a false and a real attack; and that the field of the two extended from McLane’s ford, where our brigade was posted, up to the Stone bridge, a distance of from 5 to 7 miles upon a rough estimate. About a ¼ mile above McLane’s ford is Blackburn’s, where the fight occurred on the afternoon of the 18th; above that, say 1 mile, is Mitchell’s ford, where Col. Williams’ Regiment lay nearly all day Sunday under cover of their entrenchments, receiving at intervals a heavy cannonading, without being near enough to use musketry. The next crossing place of any importance, is the Stone Bridge itself, some 3 or 4 miles above Mitchell’s ford.

The first design of the enemy seems to have been to force a passage at Blackburn’s ford, which they attempted on Thursday evening, with every advantage of numbers, position and artillery. The first gun was fired precisely at 12 o’clock, and a sharp artillery fight was kept up on both sides till near one, when the infantry began to participate on both sides. As we were only a very short distance from the field, and expecting a flank attempt upon our ford every moment, we lay still under cover of bushes at the foot of the hills, bordering upon the south side of the Run, and had every opportunity to take notes of the engagement. The first volley of musketry made an impression which will never be eradicated from memory. It was sublime and inspiring beyond description. Volley after volley was poured by each into the other for ½ or ¾ of an hour with astonishing rapidity. The enemy was repulsed, but rallied again; and had succeeded in crossing the Run, when the 18th Virginia regiment came at double quick upon the field, drove them back and won the day. The loss on our side was 15 or 20 killed – and more; some say 12, some 7 – and from 40 to 60 wounded; the loss on the side of the enemy being not less, perhaps more, than 100 killed, and 200 or 300 wounded. The honor of the victory is due to Gen. Longstreet’s brigade, and 4 pieces of the Washington artillery under Lieut. Garnett. The number engaged was about 3,000 on our, and from 7,000 to 10,000 on their side. The firing lasted 4 ½ hours.

Failing so signally in this direct attack, when so confident of success, Gen. McDowell concluded that it was not beneath his genius to employ the “oblique order” – in other words to plan a battle; and for this purpose he consumed Friday and Saturday. His plan was to make a feigned attack upon Blackburn’s ford, ad a real attack somewhere else – higher up as it turned out. But the plat was so badly concealed that it was discovered in our camp as early as an hour by sun, Saturday afternoon. At this hour their drums began to beat in high style, up the ravines around the head of Rocky Run. We were out in company with Capt. Fernandez, an old Texas ranger who fought from ’34 to ’37, through the bloody and stormy days of the “Lone Star,” and was also in the campaign against the Indians on the Texas frontier. We passed beyond our line of picquets, and even heard them shouting and cheering; and it took no time for the Captain, experienced in the wilds and strategies of a more cunning enemy, to discover that all this fuss was mere “gammon.” We climbed a tall tree, and with a marine glass, scoured the open fields beyond the chain of ravines, but saw no foe – the main column evidently debouching beyond the hills below Centreville. In vain do you set a net in sight of the bird; and so it proved in the sequel.

During the night of Saturday, large bodies of the enemy reached the neighborhood of Stone Bridge, and their artillery fell into entrenchments which they were base enough to throw up while there a few days before under a flag of truce, pretending to bury their dead of the previous fight at that place. Sharp shooting began as early as 4 or 5 o’clock between skirmishing parties of the two armies. The first cannon fired was a Parrot gun from an eminence opposite Blackburn’s ford; and this gun, assisted at intervals by two or three others, poured a hot fire into McLane’s, Blackburn’s and Mitchell’s fords all the day – giving solemn cadence by its leisurely and monotonous thunder, to the terrific and furious uproar of the battle. During the day there could not have been much less than 35,000 or 40,000 on our side; and between 60,000 and 75,000 on the side of the enemy. Gen. Johnson commanded our left wing; and “the glorious Beauregard,” the right wing. Gen. McDowell led on the Yankees. Gen. Scott was on the field at a safe distance – we sit now in a beautiful clovered apple orchard, in full view of the house where he ate his dinner; and Lincoln, a large number of Senators and Congressmen, and two or three hundred Washington ladies, are said to have been ear witnesses of the engagement. Some give the credit of turning the tide of battle to Davis who drove a wedge into the enemy’s centre, and dislodged portion of them; others give it to Beauregard, who arriving on the field in the very niche of time when all seemed lost, rallied his men and headed the charge in person, producing wherever he went a thrill of hope and ardor, that won the smile of heaven and called down victory. Gen. Johnson towered a terror to the foe. To his friends a magnificent attraction, and a beacon star. Each of these great men was equal to the post; and their followers were every whit worthy of their leaders. Nothing less than Spartan valor, Roman firmness and French ardor, guided and sustained by the genius of a Pericles, a Scipio and a Napoleon, won the field. The route was complete; the loss must have been heavy on both sides, but we have no means of telling even the probable number. Gen. Bartow of Georgia, Gen. B. E. Bee of S. C., Lieut. Col. B. J. Johnson of Hamtpon’s legion, and Lieut. Col. Wilkes of Sloan’s Regiment, are the prominent officers slain. A Yankee shot Col. Wilkes while watering his foaming horse, and stole his boots, leaving a pair of dilapidated shoes beside the corpse. Lieut. E. A. Palmer, well known in your town, fell pierced through in two or three places. He was greatly prized in his regiment. None of the S. C. regiments suffered severely. Five, Sloan’s, Kershaw’s, Hampton’s, Williams’ and Jenkins’, were more or less engaged, yet 100 to 150 will cover the killed, and from 300 to 400, the wounded. The Georgia 7th suffered much, and is entitled to the honor of charging and taking six pieces of Sherman’s battery.

Notwithstanding the glorious rout of the enemy at and below Stone Bridge, the triumph of the day was not complete till their reserve were driven from their rallying point, opposite Blackburn’s ford; and the honor of this daring and hazardous enterprise is emphatically due, and is given by all who know anything about it, to Col. Jenkins’ regiment. The ever vigilant and discerning eye of Beauregard himself, saw both the extreme importance and the extreme danger of this assault; and early in the morning had ordered three brigades, Jones’, Ewell’s and one other, to advance, meet beyond the Run and make the charge, with the reserved purpose, if successful, of flanking the enemy’s left in the general engagement. There can be no doubt that the fight would have ended hours sooner if this plan had succeeded; but it did not. From causes unknown to us, the other brigades failed to meet ours at the appointed rendezvous, and Gen. Jones after lying with his men in the woods for hours, hearing that a large body of cavalry were coming up on our right, and an overwhelming corps of infantry were arriving to cut us off on our left, hastily retreated to Bull’s Run. The boys had scarcely time to munch their dinner of crackers and bacon, however, before they were put upon the march again. This time it had been planned to make the charge with General Longstreet. The day was waning rapidly, and there was not time to lose. We made a forced and circuitous march of some 5 miles, up and down rugged hills, through forests rendered almost impenetrable by dense undergrowth, and over yawning ravines. When we reached the place from which the long and apparently desperate assault was to be made, the men were nearly exhausted from their thirst and fatigue. Nevertheless the untameable spirit which burned in their bosoms, urged them on to deeds of dauntless heroism. The 5th were drawn up in line of battle and crouched at a “ready” on an open hill side; the Mississippi 18th , were drawn up in a ravine behind them; and the Mississippi 17th, were on the left, lower down the ravine. Skirmishers were thrown forward to scour the field, and drive in the outposts of the enemy. No sooner had these received and returned a galling fire, than our Colonel gave the order to advance, when a shout arose from our line, and the men went forward with a rush over the hill.

We crossed an open field in bull blaze of a rapid fire from the enemy’s sharp shooters and artillery. Then came the astonishing part of this almost unprecedented charge. We now had to descend a steep hill side covered very densely with the crooked and serpentine laurel – a place which the bear, panther and wild cat themselves would delight to haunt. This hill-side was from 25 to 50 yards in extent, and took the swiftest of us 5 to 10 minutes to descend it. This had to be done, too, when we could not fire a gun with effect, and when we were in full blaze of a tripple fire – from the enemy’s cannon, their musketry, and a tremendous flank fire from the Mississippians, who, unfortunately, mistook us for the advancing enemy. Yet our men never faltered. They mounted the fence, and in two minutes the whole hill-side was stirring like a bee hive. Being a corporal of the color-guard, and a smaller man than the sergeant, and only having a gun instead of a long flag staff to carry through the jungle, we reached the font of the hill before the colors, and had a moment to turn and survey the scene. You never say a hail storm descend with more relentless and stormy fury. The Yankees used “buck and ball,” and every musket, consequently, discharged four deadly missiles; and their columns, also, now began to open fire upon us. We caught the gleam of our glorious tri-color about half way down the hill; and the groans of the wounded fell harshly upon our ears.

Our regiment crossed the creek at the bottom of the hill, some of them wading the water to almost waist deep, passed the flat, and advanced midway the next ascent; when the Colonel halted us, in order to put a top to the unfortunate fire of the Mississippians, which now increased in fury as they mistook us for the retreating enemy. Our shout in charging, and the promiscuous fire which went up from our whole line, put the foe to a precipitous fight; and General Longstreet came upon the field just in time to see the action close, and possess himself of the guns which they left behind; though he gives all the honor of driving the gunners from them to our regiment.

Our force was from 2,500 to 2,700, with two pieces of the Washington Artillery; which, however, after almost superhuman effort, owing to the utter roughness of the ground, made to themselves, a mortifying failure to get into position. The enemy had, it is thought, at least 5,000 musketeers, two or three companies of sharp shooters, 500 cavalry, a field battery of 3 pieces, and 3 other pieces in a masqued battery. The loss on our side were 3 men killed, and 19 wounded; on that of the enemy about 40 men. General Jones in his official report said that he was happy to report his brigade as contributing “a little” to the general success; General Beaurgard said “not a little, but a great deal,” and President Davis, who was among the Mississippians on Sunday night, says he knows nothing equal to the long and stormy charge in triumphant daring, except the double quacking of the French over the walls of Sebastopol. A friend writing to us from another regiment, says – “Glorious 5th! – worthy sons of King’s Mountain! You have already won enough laurels for a campaign.” The General who was in feeble health and languished on his bed all the night before and consequently could not throw himself body and soul into the fight, and Captain Coward, his aid-de-camp, than whom a more masculine military intellect and spirit, with a gentler heart and more genuine modesty, cannot be found easily, were both, when we returned, bathed in tears. Both the Mississippi regiments had left the field under the overwhelming fire; and they thought we were surrounded and cut to pieces. When we arrived where the other regiments rallied, Captain Coward with a swelling heart rode by, and in tones trembling with generous emotion said: “Thank God, men! I see you safe; I thought you were cut to pieces.” Mark you, if the war continues, he will reach an enviable distinction. When the Mississippians learned what they had done, they bowed their heads, and wept like children.

Nothing can exceed the devoted love and enthusiastic confidence with which our gallant Colonel inspired his men by his collected, intrepid, prudent and manly conduct during this hour to try his capacity. No colonel ever had a severer trial of his strength, in his “maiden effort;” and none, we believe, ever acquitted himself more handsomely. Col. Jenkins has proven himself an intrepid, yet a rapidly thinking leader, whose presence of mind and ability to guide forsake him not un the most trying emergency. – And too great praise cannot be given to his men. They have shown themselves more than willing to go anywhere duty calls.

Gov. McWillie, of Mississippi, lost a son in this encounter, and President Davis a nephew. H. A. McCrary of the Spartan Rifles, William Little, of Captain Carpenter’s Company, and T. W. Fowler, of Captain Glenn’s Company, were killed in our regiment. Of the Spartan Rifles, Leander Noland was wounded in the right arm; S. L. Lands, a flesh wound in the thigh; and Rev. J. E. Watson, in the left wrist. Of Captain Carpenter’s Company, Geo. Bomar received a severe but not dangerous contusion in the thigh from a spent ball; R. S. Webb, grazed along the back and wounded through the humerus muscle of the right arm; and O. C. Sarrat had a ball to pass sheer over his head, cutting out a lock from forehead to crown without touching the skin. A. S. Spears of Captain Glenn’s company, received a slight ball-cut on the side of the head – not at all dangerous. In Capt. Giles’ company, Thomas C. Wilson, had his left hand shot off; Thomas Elson both arms broken and slightly wounded in the breast; and Samuel Parker, a severe flesh sound in the thigh. C. B. Mintz, of Capt. Jackson’s company, lost the middle finger of the left hand. The Catawba’s had no one injured in the least. The Jasper’s lost no one killed, but suffered pretty severely. Our Orderly Sergeant, James Mason, was shot in the right shoulder, and the ball lodged somewhere about the shoulder joint. Felix Mullinax lost the forefinger of his left hand. W. F. Davidson was shot so severely through the right wrist, that his hand had to be amputated. W. B. Enloe, very early in the engagement, was shot through the left foot; yet he went on with his company, and was deployed with them as skirmishers, in a woods on the summit of the last hill. J. T. McKnight was slightly cut by a ball along the back of the neck. There were remarkable and hair-breadth escapes, too numerous to mention, in the engagement.

This great victory will go far to bring peace. Rev. Mr. Leftwich, who left Alexandria after the retreat of the foe, says that such a rout was never known. They rushed on through Alexandria to the boat landing, filled very boat present till they began to sink; and then the rush from behind was so great, that a number of the foremost were pushed into the Potomac and drowned. The draw-bridge opposite Georgetown was drawn up to prevent the column from passing, which retreated in that direction. It is said that those which reached Washington did not stop even there; but pushed through the city, took the cars, and went home. About fifty pieces of cannon, every piece the enemy had on this side of the Potomac, except one – a large quantity of guns and ammunition, and a perfectly enormous amount of baggage of every description, were taken.

Pray excuse our prodigious prolixity. We have written in sheer exhaustion, after a week of such fatigue, exposure and hardships, as we never experienced before; and we could not for the life of us, pack up our bundle of ideas closely.

Please say to your readers that Rev. J. H. Bryson, of Tennessee, is with our brigade, and will remain for an indefinite period of time. He has many personal friends among them.

Our Post Office is Manassas still – or properly, Tudor Hall, Prince William County, Virginia.

With the hope that we have given you a little light on the great battle and victory of Sunday, we close,

Gladly,
OUR CORPORAL.

Yorkville (SC) Enquirer, 8/1/1861

Clipping Image

Corp. Henry Ruffner Paine, Rockbridge Artillery, On Casualties

Sunday night, July 21st
By Camp Fire

Dear Father:

A tremendous battle took place to the West or North West of this point to-day. We have kept the field, and the enemy are reported in retreat; yet it is said that we are threatened with an attack from the East. It will hardly take place to night; and no one knows what tomorrow might bring. Reinforcements are hurrying up to the lines. My recruits and Campbell’s are encamped in part of the vacant quarters of the 17th Va., Infantry. Bowyer Brockenbrough is here, and remains with us to night. He is slightly wounded on the nose and arm. Kable is here and safe. Rollins is slightly wounded on the head. Charley Bell, of the College Boys, was mortally wounded by a cannon ball. Jim Edmondson reported wounded in the hand. Neff is here with two slight wounds. Preston, (Tom,) is with us. He saw part of the fight. Wallace Ruff slightly wounded in the arm. David unhurt. Algernon Wade unhurt and is here. He reports Ben also safe. Hileman scratched in the face. Bill Gordon lost his company in the forced march from Winchester and could not get up to the fight. Jack Jordon is slightly wounded in the leg by the bursting of one of the Southern Ammunition Boxes. Willoughby Brockenbrough is reported safe by Bowyer. Bowyer was knocked from his horse. He says no man flinched from his post. Sherman’s Battery was taken and re-taken twice. ‘Tis said it remains on our possession. The 4th Alabama was cut to pieces. We have numbers of wounded here, and I see part of the horrors of Battle. Gen. Jackson is safe – reported by Bow. Brockenbrough. Jim Suddarth, Parks and Charlton are here all safe, but the latter slightly wounded. Bradley, of the Col. Boys, is killed, so is Asbury McCluer and William Paxton. Ricket is here and safe. Rollins saw Will. Lewis coming from the field after the fight. Sed Davidson is wounded. Calvin Utz is wounded, but getting well. Richard Jordan is wounded. G. Strickler is wounded in the side by a shell, which wounded also the above mentioned College Boys. Horace Wallace is safe. Capt. Jas. J. White safe – was here awhile ago – did not see him. Bill Kahle says a grape shot slightly wounded him in the back – he is running all about. Alexander Wallace wounded in the shoulder. Reed Hanger is wounded. Can’t hear of M.X. White’s company having been in the fight. John Moore unwounded. Bumpus safe. So is Sam Smith and Lewis Paxton. Don’t know the force on either side – both very large and the loss heavy. Copeland Page is safe. Two Arnolds safe. Henry Myers safe, and Tedford Barclay, and Woods. I write on a rough board by the light of a camp fire. We heard the firing all day. Col. Ruff could get no permission for us to go to the camp, and we can’t tell when we can join our companies. Henry Campbell caught up with his men to-day and is here. Seven of my recruits (Artillery,) have volunteered to support a battery of heavy guns close to us if we are attacked to-night. Wm. Lewis and my cousin Bob are reported safe. McCown safe at last reports, was carrying Sed Davidson’s gun. Byeton safe, C. Strickler slightly wounded. Sherrard safe. James McCorkle of the Grays is killed. M.N. White’s company was hardly engaged. Our companies are much scattered. The Rifles tried the Bayonet once and the enemy ran. Capt. Pendleton safe. His company did great damage, helped to capture Sherman’s Battery. I can hear of no more of our boys, though I have taken much trouble. Capt. Pendleton’s Battery did not suffer much – Lieut. McLaughlin and Lieut. Davis are safe. Good bye.

H.

[Note: Per records, Henry Ruffner Paine did not enlist until 7/23/1861. The tone of this letter indicates his reporting on the battle is second-hand.]

Lexington (VA) Gazette, 7/25/1861

Contributed and transcribed by Eric Mink

Henry Ruffner Paine at Ancestry

Henry Ruffner Paine at Fold3

Henry Ruffner Paine at FindAGrave

Paine Family Papers at Virginia Museum of History

“Chew,” Stanard’s Battery/Thomas Artillery, On the Battle and Casualties

A correspondent, who desires that justice should be done to a gallant company, sends the following:

Manassas Junction, July 31st, 1861.

Having noticed the different correspondence of the Dispatch for the last week in regard to the late battle of Sunday, July 21st, allow me, an eye-witness, to correct an error in regard to the statement that the Howitzers rendered, &c., in the battle of that memorable day. The mistake was made, from the fact of the uniforms of the Howitzers and the Thomas Artillery are very nearly alike, the credit, therefore, is justly due to that gallant little band, the Thomas Artillery, who, for seven hours, under the range of the enemy’s battery, stood bravely by their guns, pouring shot thick and fast, and with good effect, into the enemy’s ranks, firing, as I understand, seven hundred and odd shot. Their ammunition being exhausted, they were ordered to retire, which they did in food order, having sustained a loss of two killed – Lieut. Macon and private John B. Dixon; and five wounded – Serg’t Massenburg, Corp’ls Thos. McCurdy and Topp, privates Waller and Davidson; the battery a loss of an ammunition chest, of one caisson, (which was struck by one of the enemy’s shells and blown up,) twenty five horses, killed wounded and missing.

They arrived, after a forced march from Winchester under Gen. Johnston, on the battlefield about eight o’clock Sunday morning, without food for men or horses, and remained near the field of battle the whole day, and at sun down took up their march for this place, which they reached about midnight.

There is no news worth attention. Troops continue to arrive daily. A number of wounded Yankee prisoners arrived last evening.

“Chew.”

Richmond (VA) Dispatch, 8/3/1861

Clipping Image

* The Richmond Howitzers, Capt. J. C. Shields