Honey, Vinegar, Flies, Flags, Chapels, Perceptions, and Consequences

20 08 2015
Lee Chapel - Roanoke Times

Lee Chapel – Roanoke Times

It seems to me the administration of Washington & Lee University have made a completely rational, understandable, and predictable decision with regards to the Sons of Confederate Veterans and the use of Lee Chapel. Per this article in the Roanoke Times:

W&L denied a request by the confederate veterans group to rent the university-owned chapel for next year’s Lee-Jackson Day.

Hosting the program is no longer an appropriate use of Lee Chapel, W&L spokesmen Brian Eckert said, in light of the “distortion, misstatements and inflammatory language” the school has endured from members of the organization upset with its decision last year to remove Confederate flags from part of the chapel.

“The persistent name-calling, vilification and uncivil attacks in messages to the university, letters to the editors of local newspapers and social media postings have persuaded us that our original intent to make the chapel available would not be appropriate,” Eckert said.

“We simply are not going to allow our own facilities to be used as a place from which those attacks can be made.”

There’s an old saying about flies, honey, and vinegar. The SCV went the vinegar route, or at least that’s the perception (the spokesman Mr. Wilmore  claims ignorance.) I don’t know if the SCV was behind or condoned the “distortion, misstatements, and inflammatory language.” If they were, they got what they deserved – what they asked for. If they weren’t, and they wanted to continue using the chapel, they should have done something to distance themselves from those statements. Failure by commission, or failure by omission. The end result is the same, and predictable.

“G”, 33rd Virginia Infantry, On the Battle

5 06 2015

Services and Suffering of the 33d Virginia Regiment.

To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer.

Camp near Manassa Junction,

July 31, 1861.

Gentlemen: – As no satisfactory and just account has been given in the various published statements of the gallant conduct of the 33d Regiment of Virginia Volunteers, commanded by Co. A. C. Cummings, General Jackson’s Brigade, in the memorable battle of Sunday the 21st instant, it is an act of simple justice towards the brave fellows to award to them all the honor they deserve. The companies, composing the 33d, in the engagement are: the Potomac Guards, Capt. Grace, Hampshire County; Independent Grays, Capt. Spangler, Hardy; Tenth Legion Minute Men, Capt. Gatewood, Shenandoah; Allen’s Infantry, Capt. Allen, do.; Emerald Guards, Capt. Sibert, do.; Shenandoah Sharp Shooters, Lieut. Buck commanding in the absence of Capt. Walton, who was left sick in Winchester; Shenandoah Riflemen, Captain Crabill; Page Greys, Captain Rippetoe.

At six o’clock in the morning the enemy’s batteries began to open, and in a short time the thunder of artillery was heard from the extreme eastern point of the line of battle on Bull Run to the farthest point of the column westward.

Colonel Cummings’ Regiment was assigned its position in the line of battle to the left, and in a south-westerly direction from the battery commanded by the brave and heroic Colonel Pendleton. This battery occupied an elevated position, commanding the enemy’s batteries to the right and left, and in front. – Gen. Jackson was present at the battery for some length of time, until he was wounded in the left hand, when he retired from the battery. His bearing was that of a daring, brave, undaunted veteran, alike insensible to fear or danger. Col. Cummings’ Regiment was drawn up immediately fronting the several pieces of rifled cannon, all of which poured upon us an incessant fire, under cover of which the enemy’s lines advanced upon us steadily. For more than one hour our brave fellows had to prostrate themselves flat upon the ground to prevent being cut to pieces by the shower of cannon balls, shell and canister that fell around us thick as hail. When the enemy’s line had taken a position about hone hundred yards in front of us, Col. C gave the command to fire so soon as the advancing column should be near enough to draw their fire, and then charge them with the bayonet. The command was obeyed, but the enemy fled precipitately before them, took refuge behind a thatched fence about sixty yards distant, and delivered a most destructive fire upon us from their concealment. From this fire the Tenth Legion Minute Men suffered most severely, as it was immediately in their front, and was chiefly directed at them.

It is worthy of remark, at this point, that our comparatively undisciplined little regiment was contending against some of the best disciplined and most experienced men in Lincoln’s army, to wit: the celebrated Fire Zouaves of New York, (the same that were so conspicuous in the capture of Alexandria, as the “Pet Lambs,”) the regulars of the army, and Michigan volunteers.

After the third fire upon the enemy’s column, a most gallant charge was made upon the battery in front of us, in which all the companies from Shenandoah and the companies from Hardy, Hampshire and Page participated. It was a hazardous undertaking, but the men seemed to be determined to take it, regardless of consequences, as it was bearing upon them and threatened their immediate repulse. To accord to any one man, or any particular company, the honor of capturing that battery is simply absurd, not to say grossly unjust to the brave men who participated in its capture. Page Grays, Allen Infantry, Tenth Legion Minute Men, Shenandoah Riflemen and Sharp Shooters, Potomac Guards, Independent Greys, and the rest, were around and in front of the battery, in a moment’s time after the charge, and by a well directed fire, kept the column of the enemy at bat for more than half an hour, until, overpowered by a large force, held in reserve, they were compelled to retreat to the ground occupied when the charge was first made. In the meantime, the enemy had succeeded in turning the extreme left of our line, and unperceived had filed through the pine thicket to our rear, and were pouring a deadly fire upon us. This movement threw our regiment into utter confusion, and a “free fight” ensued, in which every man fought on his own hook, loading and firing at will. We were too hard for the Zouaves at this “hunting” game, as most of our men were practiced hunters; and scores of the “red shirts” suffered the penalty of their imprudence. The bushes and the battle-field in front were literally strewn with the dead and the dying. This was the best evidence that could be given of the coolness and the unerring aim with which our men delivered their charges. Reinforcements having fortunately arrived, we retreated from the field. This was a moment of great peril to us, and the result seemed to be doubtful. The struggle was desperate on both sides; the enemy making a powerful effort to flank us on the left. A sufficient force of our cavalry were dispatched to our relief; a column of the forces just arrived was formed, and in a short time the enemy were compelled to retreat in the utmost disorder, and a shout went up from our brave fellows that echoed and re-echoed from hill to hill and from valley to valley. The roar of cannon, and the rattle of musketry, and clashing of steel ceased. Thus ended the tremendous struggle of the 21st instant, at Bull Run.

It is but just to the officers, field and company, to say that they did their duty, as well as they understood it, during the action. Col. Cummings conducted himself with the utmost coolness and self-possession. As already mentioned, Lieut. Buck had charge of Captain Walton’s company, Lieut. Burwell was assigned to assist Capt. Gatewood; Lieut. Neff, in the absence of Capt. Crabill, who was unwell, took charge of the Brooke company; and Lieut. Hyde also rendered valuable assistance to the company during the engagement. The Captains were all present except those above named as being sick.

So far as we have been able to ascertain, the following is a correct list of the killed in the 33d Regiment, viz:

Capt. Gatewood’s Company. – Killed – Sergeant J. P. Hockman; privates Aaron Shipe, Wm. H. Bowers, M. L. McIntarff, Thos. J. Shuff, Isaac Wymer, Jacob McDaniel.

Wounded. – Wm. Burner, mortally; Joseph Layman, mortally; Lieut. E. T. Miller, left leg broken, above the ankle, by a Minie ball; Sergeants S. H. Bowman and R. F. Myers; Privates Daniel Miller, of Georgia, John Funk, Edward Rodeffer, Joseph Boley, Wm. E. Hilton, Noah Weaver, Philip Weaver, Jas. Lineweaver, Jas. M. Hottel, and George Copp.

This company went into the engagement with 48 men, including commissioned and non-commissioned officers.

Capt. Rippetoe’s Company. – Killed – Sergeant R. Newman; Privates S. C. Printz, D. C. Jobe, Philip B. Lucas, John W. Baily, Joseph Johnson, Martin V. B. Koontz.

Wounded. – Sergeants W. F. Hite and A. B. Shank; Privates Peter Towers, Daniel Smith, Jacob Shank, ,J. W. Vaughn, Lewis Chrisman, Wm. Frazier, J. Middleton; Corporals, G. B. Long, Jas. Comer, Paul Miller, J. W. McKay. There were 90 men in the engagement.

Capt. Allen’s Company. – Killed – Privates Alexander Williams, Wem. Walker, James Smoot, Nason Coffman.

Wounded. – Lieut T. K. Moore, Sergeant Proctor; Privates Joseph Buth, Jno. F. Grim, R. W. Grim, D. G. Glen, J. W. Hawkins, (mortally,) D. B. Hoffman, Jno. Crider, David Overhultz, Geo Patton, J. W. Stoneburner, Wm. Shaver, G. O. Welopes, Samuel Wetzell. There were 65 men in the battle.

Capt. Walton’s Company. – Killed – Serg’t. J. C. McKelvy; Privates David Barton, W. J. Stultz, R. F. Mewmaw, Daniel Cullers, James G. Rinker, Wesley Woverton, Silas Clem, Harvey Hollar, Wm. L. Fadely, James Cooly.

Wounded – Corps. S. Fry, J. P. Fadely; Privates J. Coffman, L. J. Fadely, Wm. Gess, G. Funkhouser, Jacob Coffman, Isaac Funkhouser, Ab. Sibert, E. Dellinger. There were 66 men on the field.

Captain Crabill’s Company. – Killed – Privates Charles Copp, Peter Nossett, Nicholas Rudy, Peter Good.

Wounded – Lieut J. H. Rosenberger; Sergts. D. Will and S. J. Ludholtz; Corp’ls. H. H. Crabill and H. Crabill; Privates Jacob Bowman, S. L. Crabill, N. T. Chase, Ananias Good.

[Missing portion]

Wounded – Lieut A. H. Wilson, Serg’t Jas. Lobb, H. Beercamp and Fred. Beercamp, Privates S. C. Shook, T. F. Constable, Bell Vanmeter, J. A. Stickley, W. F. Caldwell, Sorengo Self – [3?]2 in the battle.

Capt. Sibert’s Company. – Killed – Jas. M. O’Conner, Dennis Martin, Timothy Duggen, Corporal John Sullivan.

Wounded – Capt. M. M. Sibert, Lieuts. Fitzgerald and Ireland, Serg’t M. Genekin, John Talbert, Jas. Sullivan, Patrick Henney, John Hufferan, Patrick Sullivan, Thos. Emmett, Patrick O’Brian.

Thus did the 33d Regiment, which went into the field with less than 500 rank and file, suffer on the ever memorable 21st. Never did men fight more bravely and successfully against such fearful odds, both as it regards numbers and arms. Our men were all armed with the Harper’s Ferry musket, (altered) and were nobly and gallantly sustained by Col. Pendleton’s battery, whilst the enemy had the most improved arms, and were sustained by a long line of rifle cannon and columbiads, which only ceased pouring upon us a galling fire when they were captured and silenced. “Honor to whom honor,” &c.


Richmond Enquirer, 8/5/1861

Clipping Image

Contributed by John Hennessy

Pvt. Robert A. Glasgow, Co. H, 4th Virginia Infantry, On the Battle

3 06 2015

Manassas, July 22, 1861.

Dear Father,

Yesterday we had a great battle, and won a glorious victory, but it was dearly bought, for many of our brave men were killed. Our regiment, the 4th, and the 27th were in the thickest of the fight. Early Sunday morning the Northerners opened a cannonade upon our right, at the same time, making a show of an attack upon the entrenchments on Bull Run. Dispatches, however, had come to us an hour before that the enemy were moving their main body upon our left, and about eight o’clock the Firing commenced upon our left, some four miles farther up the Run. There was one incessant roar of artillery and musketry. Our regiment and the 27th moved to the scene of action about 12 o’clock; as a reserve to support the batteries. We moved to the right of our batteries, which were placed on a brow of a gentle declivity, so as to fire at the advancing columns of the enemy, whose batteries were playing just in front of us. We were ordered to fall flat upon the ground; here we lay for two hours, I suppose, the bomb-shells and bullets flying over us, and cutting through the pines beyond. One shell struck among the Fort Lewis volunteers, and killed four men. A cannon ball and shell took effect in the College Company, killing three, among the number Squire Paxton’s son William. One of our men (Withers) was very badly wounded by a piece of shell. The enemy, finding they could not carry our batteries, which were making havoc among them, moved one close upon our left flank and commenced a cross fire. Never did officers act with more determined courage than ours at this critical moment. Col. Preston was moving in front of his regiment, unconcerned by the constant hissing of balls and shells around him. General Jackson, too, was riding along the front, urging our men to their duty, his appearance was that of a man determined to conquer or die. Dr. Pendleton whirled his pieces round, and opened a terrible fire upon the opposite battery, pointing the pieces (I am satisfied) several times himself. At this moment our regiment was ordered to charge upon this battery of the enemy, which was supported by their brag regiment, the New York Zouaves. In this charge, James McCorkle, Samuel Wilson, Goolsby, and McNamany were killed. Sergeant John Moffett was shot through the head, close upon the enemy’s battery. Sad to say, I have understood since that Wm. A. Anderson had one of knees fractured. He has been taken to Richmond. Providentially I escaped uninjured, one ball passing through my oil cloth, close to my left side, and another through my haversack. Though repulsed a little, our regiment rallied and carried the battery. Frank Paxton advancing before the regiment, waving his hat, was the first to plant our banner upon their battery. The “red breeches” ran off the field, leaving their men and guns strewed around. From twenty to thirty pieces of the best artillery fell into our hands – part of it that famous Sherman’s battery, with which they expected to sweep Virginia. They have fallen back considerably it is supposed a precipitate retreat. It is said when Gen. Beauregard got to Manassas Junction from the field of battle, he ordered cheers to be given for the 4th and 27th Va. Regiments. We have taken a great many prisoners. I got a glimpse of their army several miles wide, running in tolerable order. It is now about 12 o’clock – has been raining all morning. Everything is quiet. I am sorry for poor Wm. A., and would have seen him to-day if it had been possible. Young C.W. Bell, of the College Company, I understand was mortally wounded, has since died. Utz, from Fincastle, badly, but not dangerously. Our Lt. Col. has a wound in his knee that will make him unfit for duty for some time. I have had excellent health so far. It is believed the Northerners had almost double our numbers; nothing but determined courage on our side gained us the day. I hope this battle will teach them the folly of their crusade against us.

Lexington Gazette, August 1, 1861.

Robert A. Glasgow at Ancestry.com

Transcription provided by John Hennessy

Holkum’s Branch – Manassas National Battlefield Park, 11/15/2014

22 11 2014

Last Saturday at Manassas National Battlefield Park I took a little walk to Holkum’s Branch of Bull Run, east of the Henry Hill Visitor’s Center not far from the site of Portici on the M. Lewis farm, which was Joe Johnston’s HQ during the battle. The site is significant for a meeting that occurred there late in the day on July 21, 1861. In this area Brigadier General Thomas J. Jackson encountered CSA President Jefferson Davis and proclaimed (according to surgeon Hunter McGuire who had just tended to Jackson’s wounded finger): “Give me ten thousand men and I shall take Washington City tomorrow.”

Interpretive marker

Interpretive marker

View north to Holkum’s Branch from marker

Follow trail east from behind Jackson's guns on Henry Hill. Where the trail turns left (north) to the Stone Bridge, turn right (south) to Portici.

Follow First Manassas Trail east from behind Jackson’s guns on Henry Hill. Where the trail turns left (north) to the Stone Bridge, turn right (south) to Portici.

Manassas NBP Visit 11/15/2014

17 11 2014

I posted some photos I took on a quick trip to show some of the battlefield to my nephew this past Saturday. You can find them on Facebook here. Eventually I’ll set up a gallery here as well. It was a beautiful day, perfect for photos, even though I only had my phone camera with me. We took a walk out to the site of Portici and saw a (to me) new marker at Holkum’s Branch, the site of the post battle meeting of Jefferson Davis and “Stonewall” Jackson. Also saw a (to me) new marker at the site of Christian Hill (read about its significance here.) I do have concerns about bringing attention to that place. I never have as much time as I’d like on the rare occasions I get to visit, but each time I see something I’ve missed before. Get out there – you can’t understand the battle if you don’t walk the ground.

Preview: S. C. Gwynne, “Rebel Yell”

7 10 2014

downloadOK, so here we have a new release from mainstream publisher Scribner. This will be brief. The author, S. C. Gwynne previously authored Empire of the Summer Moon, a biography of Quanah Parker which was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize. So from a literary standpoint, he’s no hack. Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion, and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson is 575 pages of well-strung-together words. Sources look pretty good, manuscripts, etc. I’ve read selected (by me) passages, and there’s nothing particularly irritating so far. But nothing particularly insightful or surprising, either. For example, go to the section on 2nd Bull Run and look for an explanation of Jackson’s declination to join in/support/or even recognize Longstreet’s assault. You’ll find a paragraph basically putting the onus on Lee. Nothing particularly wrong with that, and most folks who read this, again, well-written biography won’t have a problem with it. But I suspect most folks who read this and similar sites will be looking for more, and probably have read enough on Jackson already (perhaps Robertson’s epic love letter)  that a popular biography is not really something in which they’re interested. If you’re just testing the waters, at the beginning of your studies, or interested in a broad range of biographies (not just Civil War related), this is probably right up your alley. Jaded old folks like me, probably not. This assessment ain’t bad, it ain’t good, it just is.

Preview: Mackowski & White, “That Furious Struggle”

4 10 2014

TFurious_Struggle_photo_lgProlific authors and Emerging Civil War series editors Chris Mackowski and Kristopher D. White have released through Savas-Beatie the next in their series of compact narratives, That Furious Struggle: Chancellorsville and the High Tide of the Confederacy, May 1-4, 1863.  Chris and Kris have both worked at the battlefield, and offer an insider’s look.. The 155 pages of text are peppered with over 150 illustrations and maps. Also included: an order of battle; appendices on rivers and fords, Stoneman’s raid, Jackson’s Flank Attack, the Chancellor family, and prominent area resident Matthew Fontaine Maury; and a suggested reading list. GPS coordinates and tour stops are keyed to an overall tour map.

Chickamauga’s Snodgrass Cabin

24 09 2014

With the passing of the anniversary of the Battle of Chickamauga, here’s my In Harm’s Way/Collateral Damage article on the Snodgrass Cabin, which ran in Civil War Times magazine in 2010. This is the article as submitted – some changes were made to the final product.


The fighting between Union Major General William Rosecrans’s Army of the Cumberland and Confederate General Braxton Bragg’s Army of Tennessee reached a climax on the farm of George Washington Snodgrass and the series of hills known as Horseshoe Ridge on September 20th, 1863. While the story of how Union Major General George H. Thomas made his stand there and earned his nickname, The Rock of Chickamauga, is well known, that of the family of those displaced by the fighting is less so.

G. W. Snodgrass left Virginia and came to Georgia prior to 1843. Sometime between 1848 and 1851, he moved from Chattanooga to Walker County, and the deed for his purchase of the farm from Sammuel Igon was recorded on September 8, 1855. The ground was far from prime farmland, dotted as it was with hills and ravines. The farm’s cabin was about a half mile from the north-south LaFayette Road, accessed by a farm lane running north from the east-west Vittetoe Road, and sat near the top of Snodgrass Hill which, while wooded, was open with good visibility.

The log cabin was a “dogtrot” design, two structures connected by a covered breezeway. The compound also included a smokehouse, and was surrounded by a split-rail fence. A small peach orchard grew on the west side of the cabin. From the house site, a ridge spur runs north, into what was the Snodgrass cornfield. Other farm buildings on either side of the lane included a barn and servants’ quarters. A small family cemetery sat at the top of Snodgrass Hill. James T. Snodgrass, who died at seven months in 1861, was buried there.

Using the 1860 census as a basis, G. W. Snodgrass was about 53 years old in September 1863, though some accounts say he was 60, and daughter Mary Jane recalled that he was 71 when he died in 1890, which would make him about 44 in at the time of the battle. Twice widowed, he lived on the farm with his third wife, Elizabeth, and seven children, ranging in age from four year old Martha Ellen to crippled, adult son John. Another son, Charles, had left to serve in the Confederate army.

Years later Julia Kittie Snodgrass, who was six at the time of the battle, recalled hearing the sounds of fighting at Alexander’s Bridge on Friday, Sept. 18th. Her father stubbornly refused to leave his home that day, but as the bullets flew more thickly on the 19th – some even penetrating the cabin’s roof – Mr. Snodgrass determined it was time to leave. About 3:00 PM, the family headed northwest and camped in a wooded ravine. They stayed there for about eight days, and while they were without shelter and had little food, they didn’t lack company. Also taking refuge in the area were other area families, some of whose properties played prominent roles in the battle: Brothertons, Poes, Kellys, Brocks, McDonalds, and Mullises. As the fighting died down on Sunday, September 20th, the refugees heard the strains of a southern tune being played by a band, which they happily interpreted as confirmation of Confederate victory.

Many of these families also had sons in the Confederate army, most notably in Company I, 2nd Battalion, 1st Confederate Regiment, which was part of Brigadier General John Jackson’s brigade of Major General Benjamin Cheatham’s Division in Lieutenant General Leonidas Polk’s Corps of the Army of Tennessee. This unit’s rolls included members of the Snodgrass, Brotherton, McDonald, Kelly, Brock and Dyer families, and the regiment’s major was James Clarke Gordon, who swore them into service in 1861 and was a son of the owner of the Gordon mansion at nearby Crawfish Springs. So, added to the hardships of lack of food resulting from two foraging armies, and homes destroyed or otherwise occupied by wounded soldiers prohibiting the return of their rightful owners was the uncertainty of the wellbeing of loved ones involved in the fighting.

The Snodgrass cabin and outbuildings had been used to treat wounded, mostly Union soldiers, during and after the battle. When the family returned to their home eight days after the battle, they found it “a gory shambles”. While the wounded had been removed, most of the family’s possessions were gone, bloodstained, or in pieces. The damage was so extensive they were forced to relocate to a campsite near Ringgold, Georgia. They didn’t return to their farm until the war was over.

Several accounts of the battle state that Charles Snodgrass died on or near his family’s homestead during the battle. However, Chickamauga historian and author David Powell’s research of Consolidated Service Records (CSR) indicates that Charles deserted in the summer of 1863 (one of at least four local men to take that route out of the unit), his name last appearing on the July/August roll. Union authorities took him into custody in Walker County and sent him to Louisville, and on December 28, 1863 he took an oath of allegiance to the Federal government. He was later released north of the Ohio River. While it’s not clear if he was present on the field during the battle, he almost certainly was not killed during it.

The cabin that stands on Snodgrass Hill today is not that which stood in 1863. As recently as 1935 Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park correspondence stated that the original structure still stood. But by 1953, the Superintendent determined that the cabin was constructed “some time after 1890”. In a 1959 letter the Acting Superintendent wrote that “[a]round 1900 the house was in such a dilapidated condition that it was taken down and reconstructed” and that “[i]t is probable that some of the logs in the old new building were taken from the original house.”

All trace of the hilltop cemetery has disappeared.

Thanks to Maps of Chickamauga author David Powell and Lee White of the National Parks Service for their assistance in the preparation of this article.

Edward S. Barrett, Civilian, On the Battle (1)

12 09 2014

Scenes of the Battle Field — Personal Adventures at the Battle of Bull Run

From The Boston, Traveller, Aug. 1.

Mr. Edward S. Barrett, of Concord, has, at our request, furnished us the following narrative of his experience on the day of the recent Battle of Bull Run. It will be found exceedingly interesting: and our readers will agree that if all the “civilians” who went to the field on that day had behaved as well as Mr. Barrett, there would be no reason to complain of them.

It is quite possible that the writer has in some cases used the wrong military terms, for he makes no pretension to military knowledge; but his narrative will be found in all important particulars as authentic as it is interesting. It commences with the night before the battle:

On Saturday evening, the 20th of July, I heard we were to start at half past two the following morning, and our line was to be in readiness at an early hour. We had occupied the camp at Centreville since Thursday night. Wrapping my blanket around me, at 10 o’clk I stretched myself upon the bare ground to sleep. The night was cool, and at 12 o’clock I awoke feeling very cold, and unable to sleep more, I anxiously waited to hear the signal to prepare. At two o’clock our drum sounded through the camp, and was repeated through the numerous camps around us, and in half an hour forty thousand men stood ready to battle for the Union.

The Fifth Massachusetts regiment, which I accompanied, was in the division under Heintzelman, acting Major General, and our regiment was the third in the column. The First Minnesota, under Colonel Gorman, led forward by the Massachusetts Eleventh, Colonel Clarke; then the Fifth, Colonel Lawrence, with the regular cavalry and a battery of artillery leading the advance. We waited, in marching order, from half past two o’clock till after six before the order was given to advance, and then we learned that Colonel Hunter, with eight regiments, including Governor Sprague’s command had preceded us, and we were to follow. General McDowell and staff heading our division.

Mounted on a secession horse, which I had captured two days previously, I followed in rear of the regiment, in company with Quartermaster Billings and Surgeon Hurd. From Centreville we took the extreme northern road, leaving the Warrentown road on our left, which General Tyler had taken with his division. Passing through a forest of heavy oak timber some three miles in length, we emerged into the open country, with a wide interval on our left, and the Blue Ridge Mountains distinctly visible on our right. We had heard and occasional cannon shot during the morning, but not until ten o’clock was there any sound of a general engagement. The heavy cannonading on our left and in front caused the march to be hastened, and our men could hardly be restrained, so eager were they for the fight. About a mile and a half before we reached the field the men began to throw away their blankets, haversacks and all unnecessary appendages, the different regiments trying to throw them into a pile, or as near together without halting. I tied my horse near the hospital headquarters, and hastened to the head of the column, which advanced in double quick time till they cam within reach of the enemy’s guns. The fight was raging on our left and in front as our division came into the field. I could see that the enemies batteries were posted on a long ridge, with woods extending on either flank, and separated from us by a valley. It was now about half past eleven o’clock. General McDowell ordered one brigade, under Colonel Franklin, consisting of the First Minnesota, Eleventh and Fifth Massachusetts and a Pennsylvania regiment, to advance down the hill and take a position in the valley on a slight elevation directly in front of the rebel batteries. I followed on some distance, but the shot rattled about me, and I halted near General McDowell and staff, while the brigade swept past me and down the hill. I watched for some time the colors of the fifth with intense interest. The regiment reached the valley and deployed to the right on to a slight knoll, fell flat on their faces, while the shot from the rebel batteries passed mostly over their heads. A battery swept past me to take a position. I followed it along some distance, when the Major galloped back to me and called out: “Friend, tell Captain F. to hurry up my supports.” I did not know Captain F., but hastened back and met an orderly, of whom I enquired who he was. He pointed him out to me near a regiment of infantry. I rushed up to him and gave my message. He replied, “They are coming right along.” And on double quick the regiment followed after the battery. The rifle cannon shot, shells and bullets struck all around me, and men were falling in every direction. Seeing a high persimmon tree standing alone, a short distance down the hill, I determined to climb it. The top of it was dead, and about thirty feet off the ground. From this elevation I had an unobstructed view of the whole line, and I could see into the enemy’s entrenchments, where the men looked like so many bees in a hive, and I could plainly see their officers riding about, and their different columns moving hither and thither. Their batteries on the right and left were masked with trees so completely, that I could not distinguish them except by the flash from their guns,; and a battery in a cornfield on our extreme left was so completely concealed by the cornstalks placed so naturally about it, that our men came suddenly upon it, never dreaming of one so near. The cannon ball struck the ground continually close to the tree and bounded along for a quarter of a mile to the rear. I felt that I was above the range of these, but the rifle balls whistled about my head, striking the tree in a way anything but pleasant. Just after I had reached the top of the tree a New Hampshire regiment, close at my left had succeeded in driving them from the woods in front, and, with three cheers, they fell back into line.

When the line was formed, three cheers were given for Colonel Marston, who had fought gallantly and received two severe wounds. Sherman’s battery then commenced firing on my right, within thirty rods of me, and at the first discharge the men cheered and watched the effect of the shell, which exploded inside the enemy’s entrenchments. The men cheered again, to see that they got the range so quickly, and continued to fire with great rapidity, while the enemy returned the fire with equal vigor and precision, the cannonading being kept up incessantly for an hour.

The shot and shell from this battery must have done the rebels great damage, as every shot took effect within their intrenchments. – Still men and horses kept falling near our guns, and the infantry lines were parted in many places by their cannon balls. The valley for nearly one-half mile in front of the enemy’s works was filled with our infantry, extending to some patches of woods on our right. Our batteries were placed on various eminences on the flank and rear, shifting their positions from time to time. The fire from our lines in this valley was terrific, and as they kept slowly advancing, firing, retreating to load, and then advancing again, it was a sight which no words could describe. For three long hours we poured into their intrenchments this terrible fire, and whenever the enemy showed themselves on the flanks they were driven back with great slaughter. During all this time our men were subjected to a cross fire from the enemy’s infantry stationed in the woods on our left. At one time the “Stars and stripes” were waved in these woods, and men dressed much like our own called out not to fire that way. Our men gradually drew up towards the flag, when immediately the secession flag was thrown out and the rebels poured a volley into our men so unexpectedly that they were for the time driven back, but we soon regained the ground.

General McDowell now ordered a battery forward to take a position near a house on our right; the Fire Zouaves were ordered to support it. The position appeared to me, from my lookout, like a strong one, as it was on a hill on a level with the rebel batteries. – Our battery started, the horses running at the top of their speed, and shortly began to ascend the eminence, the Zouaves following closely; but scarcely had the battery halted and fired, before the enemy opened upon them from new masked batteries, and a terrific fire of musketry from the woods, and our artillery was driven back, many of their men and horses being killed. The Zouaves stood their ground manfully, firing in lines and then falling on their faces to load. The ranks we becoming dreadfully thinned, yet they would not yield an inch; when suddenly our dashed the Black Horse Cavalry, and charged furiously, with uplifted sabres, upon them. – The Zouaves gallantly resisted this furious onset without flinching, and after firing their muskets – too sorely pressed to load – would fight furiously with the bayonets or any weapon they could seize, and in some instances drag the riders from their saddles, stabbing them with their knives, and mounting their splendid black horses gallop over the field. Never, since the famous charge of the Light Brigade, was a cavalry corps more cut to pieces. There is a bitter animosity existing between the Black Horse Cavalry and Ellsworth’s Zouaves. A great many of the cavalry are citizens of Alexandria and Fairfax county and they resolved to kill every Zouave they could lay their hands upon to avenge the death of Jackson, and the Zouaves were equally determined to avenge the murder of Ellsworth; so no quarter was expected by them.

I had now been in the tree some two hours, and all this time a continuous stream of wounded were being carried to the rear. The soldiers would cross their muskets, placing their wounded companion across; slowly carry them past; and another soldier would have a wounded man with his arm around his neck, slowly walking back, and then two men would be bearing a mortally wounded comrade in their arms, who was in convulsions and writhing in his last agonies.

Leaving the tree, I went along over the field to the left, the bullets whistling about me and the cannon balls ploughing up the ground in every direction, when I came across two of our men with a prisoner, who said he belonged to a South Carolina regiment. I asked him some questions, but he was dogged and silent, and did not appear to be disposed to reply to my inquiries. The shot fell so thick, and shells bursting around me, I hardly knew which way to turn. A musket ball whizzed past my ear so near that I felt the heat, and for a moment thought I was hit. – The ground was strewn with broken guns, swords, cartridge boxes, gun carriages, haversacks together, with all the paraphernalia of warfare, mingled with the dead and wounded men. I saw here a horse and his rider under him, both killed by the same cannon ball. Seeing a small white house still towards the left, with a well near it, I started for some water, and getting over a wall I discovered lying beside it a number of our dead with their haversacks drawn over their faces. I lifted the cover from their faces, thinking, perhaps, I might come across some of my friends, but they were all strangers, or so disfigured that I could not recognize them. I went to the well for a drink, and as I drew near the house I heard loud groans, and such a scene as was there presented, in that little house of two rooms, and on the grass around it, was enough to appal the stoutest heart.

The rooms were crowded, and I could not get in; but all round on the grass were men mortally wounded. I should think there were at least forty on that green sward, within 20 rods of the house, and such wounds – some with both legs shot off; some with both legs broken; others with horrid flesh wounds made with shells. I saw one man with a sound in his back large enough to put in my fist; he was fast bleeding to death. As I walked among them some beseeched me to kill them and put an end to their agony; some were calling for the surgeon, but the hospital was more than a mile off, and there were but two surgeons there; some were just gasping, and some had died.

I left the house and bore off towards the right towards some low pine woods, about a hundred yards distant, and scattered along were the dear bodies of our men. On reaching the wood I found ground literally covered with the dead bodies of the enemy, and I counted in the space of ten rods square forty-seven dead rebels and ten mortally wounded; and scattered all through the woods still farther back were any number more. I talked with several of the wounded, and they told me they belonged to the 8th Georgia regiment, Col. Bartow, and had arrived at Manasas from Winchester the day before, where they had been with Gen. Johnston. They told me their whole regiment was posted in this pine woods. One young man told me he was from Macon, and that his father was a merchant. I asked another where he was from; he replied defiantly, “I am for disunion – opposed to you.” This man had both thighs broken.

I heard one of our soldiers ask a wounded Georgian if their orders were to kill our wounded. He answered No. Our soldiers carried water to these wounded men, and as they lay writing in agony a cup of water was put within their reach. The convulsions of one of these men was awful to look upon; he appeared to have been shot in the lungs, as he vomited blood in large quantities, and in his struggles for breath would throw himself clear from the ground. I noticed among the heaps of bodies an officer dressed in light blue uniform, with green stripes on his pants, a fine looking man, whom I took to be a captain. I also saw one of our soldiers take sixty dollars from the body of a dead Georgian; and their knives, revolvers, &c., were appropriated the same way. This I looked upon as legitimate plunder for the soldiers, but as a citizen I forebore to take anything from the field.

I think the fight in this wood must have been fiercer than in any part of the field, except it may be on our right, where the Zouaves were. The wood was near the enemy’s right, and where the fight commenced in the morning with Hunter’s division, and as Heintzelman’s division came into action the rebels were giving way at this point, under the galling fire of Co. Marston’s regiment, while the Rhode Island troops and some New York regiments had driven back their extreme right. – Passing through these pine woods I still bore to the right towards our centre, and crossed a cleared space and came to some heavy wood, on the edge of which I perceived a number of dead scattered about; and seeing several wounded men, I went up to one of them, and found he was a rebel belonging to an Alabama regiment. He told me he joined the regiment on the 13th of April. He pointed to a dead horse close to us, and said, “There is my Colonel’s horse, and I suppose you have taken him prisoner.”

[Concluded to-morrow.]

Part 2

New London (CT) Chronicle, 8/6/1861

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Edward S. Barrett* bio

Edward S. Barrett* at Ancestry.com

Barrett, Edwin Shepard What I Saw at Bull Run

Contributed by John Hennessy

*Likely the letter writer

Calloway Kirksey Henderson, Co. F, 7th South Carolina Infantry, On First Contact with the Enemy

5 09 2014



How Palmetto State Pickets Got Earliest Intimation of Presence of Union Army at Manassas and Gave Information That May Have Turned the Tide of That Battle.

By Captain C. K. Henderson, of South Carolina. [*]

On Saturday afternoon, the day before the battle of Manassas, between sundown and dark, Colonel Thomas G. Bacon of the Seventh South Carolina Infantry, Bonham’s brigade, ordered Captain John S. Hard to take his Company F of that regiment and go on picket duty for the night. Captain Hard took his company across the stream Bull Run to the north side and to the top of the hill, and there filed to the left out of the road into the clover field. And here we were informed we were to spend the whole night on guard duty. Half of the company was detailed in groups of four, and the balance of the company was held in reserve fifty yard in the rear of the half that had been deployed as pickets. Mr. Henderson and his three comrades – Benjamin Sharpton, James Kadle and Smithfield Radford – formed the first group and were located on the main road between Manassas and Centerville, at Mitchell’s Ford. Two of the men of each group were allowed to sleep at the post in the clover while the other two were on guard, and they changed at intervals. The only instruction given was to halt anybody approaching from the north, and if they did not stop to shoot.

About midnight Captain Samuel McGowan, special aid to General Bonham, rode up from the rear and asked what was going on, and they reported to him that everything was well, except that the enemy was marching to their left up the creek. That information seemed to excite him and he asked how they knew, and they told him they had heard the marching soldiers, moving wagons and cannons for hours. He dismounted and one of the picket held his horse and he went forward a few paces in front of the picket. He asked if the matter had been reported to General Beauregard, and he was told that no instructions had been given as to that. He said if our opinion was correct, General Beauregard should know it at once. He reported to General Bonham and the to General Beauregard. The pickets continued on post all night, and next morning at sun-up they moved forward in the direction of the enemy, marching into and through a scope of woods. When we arrived on the north side of the woods, the whole Federal army was exposed to view, marching up the river in the direction of Stone Bridge. During the morning they were relieved of picket duty and their company rejoined their regiment down at Mitchell’s Ford. Not long afterwards the booming of cannon up the river told that the two armies had met the first time in deadly combat.

A number of years ago Mr. Henderson wrote to Captain, then Judge McGowan, the following letter about that eventful night, and Judge McGowan’s reply is recopied from the Abbeville Press and Banner. We publish both:

Aiken S.C., July 22, 1891.

Judge Samuel McGowan,

Columbia, S.C.

My Dear Sir, – It has been thirty years since the event occurred that leads to this not. Probably you will remember it, probably not.

On the night before the battle of Manassas, or Bull Run, which was Saturday night, the writer with a comrade, Benjamin Sharpton, was on picket guard on the outer line – on the left hand side of the rad leading from Manassas to Centerville via Mitchell’s Ford, across Bull Run – and while on post you came to us and asked us what the enemy were doping and we told you they were moving up the river to our left. You asked how we knew it, and we said: “By the noise of the wagons, artillery, etc.,” and you thought we were mistaken. You got off your horse and went forward a few steps ion front of our lines and listened for a short time, and then came back to us and said what we thought about the enemy was correct: that the general commanding the army must know of it at once, and asked why we had not reported it before that time, etc. We told you we had no instructions to report anything, but to shoot anyone coming from the direction of the enemy. You mounted your horse and made off in great haste to report the movements of the enemy, which I have no doubt you did.

I saw you several times next day (Sunday), as you attended to your duties, but it has never been my pleasure to speak to you since that Saturday night; yet I have often thought of the occurrence and wanted to know, did the commander of the army have that information before you gave it to him. Would it be asking too much of you to give me that information. As I have said before, probably you have forgotten all about it, but it is fresh in my mind.

I was quite a boy then – sixteen years old – and I did not feel quite at home and happy. My comrade was killed near Richmond. I was kept from injury during the entire war.

I occasionally meet miss Meta Lythgo and ask about you, and I ask our lawyers when they come back from Columbia, if they have seen you, how you are, etc.

If you remember this occurrence, and if I ever have the opportunity of talking with you about it, it would be very pleasant, indeed.

I have now taken too much of your time and will close, hoping that your life may be long spared to our State.

Truly, your unknown friend,



General McGowan tells us this is true in every particular except one, and that is that it was not half of the whole truth. The officers did report to the General (Bonham).

1. Then he sent his acting Adjutant General (McGowan) with the report to headquarters at Manassas (three miles), and he aroused General Beauregard about 2 or 3 o’clock in the morning and gave the information to him.

2. Then General Beauregard sent General McGowan to General Jackson, at McLain’s Ford.

3. Jackson sent the same officer and aroused Colonel Walker, of the New Orleans Artillery.

When the staff officer on his return reached Mitchell’s Ford, the sun was just rising, and the first gun of the great battle of Manassas was fired.

The general says he has often wondered as to how much the work of those faithful sentinels, far out on the lines, contributed to our first great success at Manassas Plains.

Privates gave battle, but officers reap the reward. – Press and Banner.


James Kadle was killed at the battle of Gettysburg.

Benjamin Sharpton was killed at Cold Harbor.

Smithfield Radford died a short time after the war.

Company F, of the Seventh Regiment, was mustered in at Graniteville.


Richmond [Virginia] Times-Dispatch, 9/4/1910

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Contributed by Brett Schulte

Calloway K. Henderson at Ancestry.com – includes photo.

Calloway K. Henderson bio sketch

* It appears Henderson wrote the first portion of this in the third person. Henderson mustered in as a private, but eventually was promoted corporal and sergeant – dates undetermined.


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