Pvt. Eugene H. Fales*, Co. E, 14th New York State Militia, On the Battle

OUR WAR CORRESPONDENCE.

—————-

From a Soldier in the 14th.

Arlington Heights, Va. July 28.

We did a harder 31 hours work last Sunday and part of Monday than I ever thought I was able to do, or ever expect to do again. We marked 65 miles between 2 o’clock Sunday morning, and 11 Monday A. M., besides fighting and manoeuvring on the battle-field. Previous to coming up with the enemy, which we did at a quarter of 12, we had marched 15 miles, with nothing to eat but a few crackers, which we ate as we went along. We emerged from the cover of the woods on a double quick step, throwing away blankets, and haversacks containing rations, to relieve ourselves of the burden we were no longer able to endure, and reaching the hill where Griffin’s West Point Battery was stationed, we sat down amid the flying balls for a few moment’s rest, being almost completely exhausted. The ball was now fairly opened, and the rebels getting proper range of us, our position became too hot, and rendered a change necessary, as a number of our boys had been wounded, but none killed. We then went into a deep gulch, through which ran a muddy stream, the identical Bull Run, the only water we saw after getting three miles beyond Centreville. We rushed into it, bathed our hands and heads, and filled our canteens. Stopping a few moments, the Fire Zouaves passed and formed in line behind their battery, on the top of a hill. They had been there but a few moments, when they were fired upon, with deadly effect, from a concealed battery, not more than 20 yards to their right, and a little to the rear. The fire was so sudden and unexpected that the Zouaves’ tanks were broken and forced part way down the hill, and before they had time to recover, the enemy had dashed out, took their battery, and carried it behind their breastworks in the bushes. The Zouaves made two or three desperate charges, and then retreated down the hill, the 14th marching up and taking its place. We had scarcely reached the top of the hill when a bomb-shell came crashing through our company, striking down eight – three were killed instantly. After firing two or three shots, I was struck down by a spent grape shot, but merely stunned. I came to just in time to take part in the third charge, which was the most desperate of all. We carried our flag up to the very muzzle of their guns, and would have entered their works had they not at that moment opened a cross fire on us from a thicket, on our right, which compelled us to retreat. The 69th came to our relief and taking our place, fought desperately, but our artillery leaving the field at the top of their speed tended much to create a panic that was impossible to check. But one thing is true of all the regiments with one or two exceptions; the men remained on the field after their officers had left.

Our brave Major, (Major Jordan) was the conspicuous man on the field. Seated on a handsome grey horse, he seemed to be every where present, giving orders and cheering on the men – was among the last to leave the field and kept in the rear until we reached Centreville. When taken Capt. Jordan, who was severely wounded in his arm put spurs to his horse and dashed between two regiments – which were drawn up in line of battle, on either side of the road, and which we at first took for a body of the enemy trying to cut of our retreat, but who proved to be friends – at the top of his speed.

We left the battle field at 8 o’clock and reached our camping ground at Centreville about 9 p. m. – laid down and rested about an hour, and continued our march without stopping more than a moment or two at a time till we reached here at 11 o’clock the next morning. All did not get in till late of Tuesday, having lain down exhausted by the road side. For two or three days we were so stiff that it was difficult to stir around much, although we are all about right again now.

A few nights before the battle, I caught a severe cold by lying out in a rain storm, on the wet ground, but have got most over it now.

Our regiment is now stationed where the 8th were, on the heights, at Gen. Lee’s house, the Headquarters of Gen. McDowell and staff.

Having heard so much of the natural wealth of Virginia, I took particular notice on our march, that I might find out in what it consisted. The first thing that attracted my attention was a few deserted houses on the road to Centreville, few and far between, plenty of “niggers,” some fine patches of Indian-corn, wide extended forests, and masked batteries. From my observations I drew the conclusion that the natural productions of the sod are: first, “masked batteries,” second, “Niggers,” third, forests, fourth, Indian corn, fifth, unmitigated scamps.

Two of our mess are missing. Charles E. Davenport, mentioned in the papers, was one, and was also one of those struck down by the shell I mentioned in my letter, but he was not killed, only slightly wounded in the neck; the last that was seen of him was about three miles from the battle field, coming through the woods; he is probably a prisoner. The other, Malcolm Stone, a very fine young fellow, was wounded in the shoulder by a cannon ball. I found him when I was leaving the battle ground, and carried him to Sudley’s church which was used as a hospital, and staid with hm until every one that was able to walk was compelled to leave. I first got a promise from one of the doctors, that every attention would be given him that was possible, but I feel that he was killed by the shells which were fired at the church. It was well that I left as I did, for I was not more than a few minutes from the place, when the firing commenced on the church.

Our Colonel was wounded in the thigh, and was brought safely as far as the bridge, three miles beyond Centreville, where he arrived just as the firing from the masked battery, which there opened on us, was the heaviest. He was in an ambulance, many of which were blown to pieces.

When the first shot was fired there, I, with Jno. York, one of our mess, was walking quite leisurely towards the bridge, and some tow hundred feet from it – the shot, a twelve pounder, struck behind us, bounded over our heads, and rolled down the road into the stream; then came a perfect shower of shot and shell. York took to the stream on the left, and dashing to his arm-pits, waded across. I dashed over the bridge, it being easier and quicker accomplished, and too to the woods on the right, where the shot did not seem to fall, most of it going to the left. There were dead horses, ambulances, baggage, wagons, and cannon all in a heap on the bridge. Walker is well and safe. York came into camp about the same time I did. A very heavy thunder storm is now raging, but we have just about the best arranged tent in the camp, and manage to keep dry – board floor, table in the center, &c.

Yours, truly,
Eugene H. Foley.

Brooklyn (NY) Times Union, 8/1/1861

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Contributed by John Hennessy

* While the name in the paper is Foley, that name is not listed in the roster of the 14th NYSM (84th NYVI). However, Eugen H. Fales is listed in Co. E, and other soldiers mentioned by Foley as messmates (York, Davenport, Stone) are all found as having enlisted in Co. E. No information on Eugene H. Foley located other than a pension application for Eugene H. Foley noted as having served in the 69th New York Infantry. Hat tip to reader James McLean.

14th NYSM (84th NYVI) Roster

Eugene H. Fales at Ancestry

Eugene H. Fales at Fold3

Eugene H. Fales at FindAGrave

Rest In Peace, Charlie Watts

Capt. Robert C. McFarland, Co. H, 4th Alabama Infantry, On the March and Battle

Army of the Shenandoah
Camp Bee, near Manassas, Virginia
July 29, 1861

Dear sir: On the 18th instant, the force of General Joseph Johnston left Winchester. Every street was filled with soldiers, wagons, and munitions of war. It was about 1 p.m. when our regiment marched from camp to Winchester when, owing to the length of the column it was sunset before the suburbs of the town were reached. The soldiers were much dissatisfied, thinking they were retreating and leaving the place to its fate. General Johnston, observing this, as soon as the forces were a mile outside of the town on the way to Manassas made it known that he was marching to the aid of General Beauregard who was attacked by overwhelming forces. Everyone was elated on hearing this and set forward with renewed vigor in order to reach the scene of action.

The march was kept up all night. The Shenandoah River was reached about 6 a.m. on the following morning. A few hours of rest was given here and then the column crossed the river, some in boats, some on artillery horses, while others forded. The road leading over the Blue Ridge mountains was very narrow, hilly, and rough, which very much impeded the march as the wagons were continually stopping. On reaching the highest point of the pass, a beautiful view of the country was afforded to the wearied soldiers. Piedmont was reached ay daybreak; the troops were weary and hungry having marched 30 miles over a bad road in 24 hours. A council of officers of our regiment was immediately called; General Bernard Bee, having expressed the wish that it be go on to Manassas by the first train. It was decided, notwithstanding the fact that the men had nothing to eat since morning and nothing to cook as the baggage wagons had not arrived, that the regiment would go forward without delay. This being made known all were much pleased.

The rain now fell in torrents, completely drenching the troops who were without coats or blankets. At 3 a.m., the regiment was on board the cars and reached Manassas about 10 a.m. So soon as it was formed, it was marched into a grove more remarkable for filth than anything else, being a general rendezvous for wagons and teams. Having rested about an hour, the line of march was taken for Camp Walker two miles from Bull Run and two from the field of battle. Here some crackers and middling bacon was distributed, a very welcome supper to the men who had nothing to eat for 12 hours. Having no cooking utensils, the officers and privates broiled the bacon on the end of a forked stick.

On the following morning Sunday July 21, 1861, the same kind of fare was served up. Shortly after breakfast, the enemy commenced firing on our center. In two minutes, the regiment was formed and the soldiers with baggage on their backs marched in quick and double-quick time to the scene of action. The enemy, whose lines extended from Union Mills to Stone bridge, commenced a cannonade on our center for the purpose of drawing out our forces- showing our strength, and make us believe that here he would make his grand attack. It soon became evident to our generals that he was making a feint on the center and was concentrating forces on the left flank. General Evans was posted on Stone bridge which is on the road leading from Centreville to the Junction to prevent the enemy from turning our flank. The enemy, however, marched dense masses of infantry two miles above the bridge and completely turned General Evans’ flank. He sent for reinforcements and General Bee with his brigade consisting of the 4th Alabama, 2nd Mississippi, and two companies of the 11th Mississippi was sent to Evans’ aid to hold the enemy in check until more reinforcements could be sent to that point.

The brigade was marched by the left flank in quick and double-quick time until it arrived within a mile of the enemy’s line. Here it was halted as the men were much fatigued and very thirsty, having marched about seven miles and allowed time only to throw down their baggage. The enemy’s position was a most excellent one on the Centreville road, commanding the country before them in every direction. We were marched forwarded to a road running parallel with the enemy’s line and about 700 yards from them. Here the order was given to load. Between the enemy and us lay a piece of woods on the top of a rising ground, and a small stream and meadow between us and the wood. The regiment was now formed in line and moved forward, part passing through the wood and part through an open field. On reaching the other side next to the enemy, the regiment was formed behind a fence, the 2nd Mississippi regiment being on our left.

[The original newspaper here is torn and about ten lines of text are missing. It picks up as follows:]

Imboden’s company, which was sent to our aid. We were not long halted until ordered forward. Everyone thought we were going to charge Sherman’s battery and brought his piece to a charge bayonet. When we had advanced within 75 yards of the enemy, the order was given to lie down. It so happened that the ground my company halted on was more exposed than any other position in the line. The Yankees kept close behind a hill. The first one that showed himself seemed to be an officer. I ordered one or two to shoot him. This commenced the fight. The Yankees advanced to the brow of the hill, took aim, fired, and retreated to load so that we had to shoot them while aiming at us. My men were cool and fired with great deliberation. Whenever a Yankee was killed by anyone, you could hear him tell his neighbor, “I got him.” The first one killed of the Lauderdale volunteers was Jesse Zills. He was shot through the breast early in the engagement. The next one was young Bourland who was shot through the neck. The firing was kept up briskly on both sides.

An impression seemed to have seized Major Scott that we were firing on friends, and he told some of the companies to cease firing. I left my position and went to Major Scott and told him that the enemy’s flag could be seen from where we were, and that they had killed several of my men already. On passing to Major Scott’s position, I told Lieutenant Simpson where I was going and why. This was the last conversation I had with him. He was quite cool and did not apprehend danger. He had received a slight wound in the arm but did not quit his position. Shortly afterwards I was looking along the line towards the left of the company and saw him the moment the fatal ball struck him. He never moved; he was shot dead instantly as was Lucious Lorance about the same time. They were only a short distance apart stretched at full length upon the corn row. Lieutenant Simpson was much beloved by all who knew him in the regiment- he was a good officer, a true soldier, and died like a man with his face to the foe.

Part of the first platoon took shelter while loading in the corners of a fence. The enemy, discovering this, commenced to fire on our flank as well as front so that no protection was offered by the fence. We had now kept back the enemy for the space of an hour and a quarter although they were ten times our number and we were unsupported. While looking to the right, I saw the first battalion in full retreat towards the woods. Not hearing the command to retreat, I ordered the company to retreat, having then near one half of our number killed and wounded on the field. Thomas Stone was killed on the retreat and three or four others wounded before we reached the woods. The Mississippi regiment, though not exposed to the fire, had retreated before we did, as also had a Georgia regiment on our right. Thus, we were left unaided and alone.

On reaching the wood, the enemy opened on us with grape while the regiments in our rear fired incessant volleys of musketry. It is a miracle that a single one escaped. The balls flew around as thick as hail. The grape cut the limbs of the trees. Having passed through the woods, two regiments were seen on our right flank as we descended into the meadow; we supposed them to be Mississippians. They were, however, two New York regiments that had completely outflanked us and in a few minutes would have cut off our retreat. They saluted us with a volley of musketry which did considerable execution in our ranks, wounding Lieutenant Colonel Law and killing a number of others. We crossed the branch, found the regiment, and returned their salute not without effect. Here we again were obliged to retreat; the ammunition of several companies being nearly expended, mine among the number.

The first force that came to our aid was a Virginia regiment, part of General Thomas J. Jackson’s brigade. We again formed behind this regiment and in a skirt of woods in a very heavy fire of shell and ball. General Bee joined us here. Having inquired what forces we were, the reply was given that it was the 4th Alabama regiment. He said it was the only part of his forces that he could find and asked us if we would follow him. The answer was “to the death.” We had lost all of our field officers. General Bee then dismounted and faced the regiment by the left flank in order to reach the point where the battle was hottest. Some confusion being shown, as the regiment was entering a piece of wood behind Captain Albertes’ battery, General Bee called me by name and ordered me to halt the regiment and form it. This was his last command. He was fatally wounded by a musket ball and breathed forth his noble and manly spirit on the following morning. He was universally loved by his whole brigade as a brave and skillful officer.

The men were now worn out by thirst and fatigue, and the regiment retired to get water and take some rest. At no time during the whole fight was it from under a severe fire until the enemy was driven from the field. It kept the enemy back until reinforcements were brought up and saved the day. It was a glorious day for the South, but it has brought mourning and sorrow into many a happy circle. Many a wife now laments her husband who fell on that field in defense of liberty and justice. How many fond sisters will look in vain for the return of their beloved brothers? Mothers, oh what a sweet word, are weeping for their brave sons whom they shall see no more until that great day when all shall stand before God.

The cannons roar having ceased and the evening’s shade closing down, my little band would not allow themselves to rest until their wounded comrades were carried off the field. Lieutenant Kirkman, Dr. Armstead, and a few more from my company together with three men from each company in the regiment joined me to go after the wounded. I pressed three or four ammunition wagons to carry the wounded; what a contrast between wagons and the splendid ambulances of the enemy. It was now dark and took some searching to find the place where most of the wounded lay. They were picked up as soon as found and put into the wagons and sent to Manassas Junction about seven miles distant. The last wagon reached the Junction about 6 o’clock in the morning in charge of Dr. Armstead and myself. Some of the wounded were put on the cars and sent to Culpeper, others were put in tents and hospitals.

One or two of my men are still missing. Having drank a cup of coffee, the first food except a Yankee cracker I had tasted for 24 hours, I returned to the battlefield to search for these and also to send in the bodies of our brave dead to the Junction. The quartermaster, however, had attended to this last duty before any of the company reached the field. My search for the missing was of no avail. Christopher Rowell being slightly wounded was taken prisoner and effected his escape during the enemy’s retreat and was safe at the Junction.

The wounded having been provided for, our next duty was the burial of the dead. Their graves were dug in a retired corner of the wood a short distance from the fortifications. The rain fell in torrents during the whole time. Officers and privates worked together until the sad labor was performed. Every effort was made to procure coffins for all, but it could be done as there was no planks to make them. We wrapped them in their blankets and laid them side by side in their graves- a sad spectacle of the horrors of war and a confirmation of the Scripture that “all flesh is but as grass.”

The company and the regiment suffered terribly on Monday and Monday night for want of food and covering from the rain. We had no tents, and the mud was six inches deep. The victory was a glorious one. If the friends of any of those who have fallen wish any further information regarding them, it will be welcome. I have written to most of them, briefly, it is true. I have endeavored to give an impartial account of the part my company took in the late battle. Every man fought like a hero though his comrades were falling fast on every side.

Very respectfully,
Robert McFarland, Capt., Lauderdale Volunteers

Florence (Alabama) Gazette, 8/14/1861

Clipping image

Contributed and transcribed by Dan Masters

See more on this letter here.

Robert C. McFarland at Ancestry

Robert C. McFarland at Fold3

Robert C. McFarland at FindAGrave

A Looming Threat to the Manassas National Battlefield Park

As you may be aware, there is a threat posed to Manassas National Battlefield Park by a proposed, massive data center. Despite the availability of adequate land within areas already designated for such projects in Northern Virginia, variances are being sought for this project. You can see a video with opponents’ arguments here. Posted with his permission, below is park superintendent Brandon Bies’s letter to the Prince William County supervisors regarding this issue.

Preview: Hahn, “Campaign for the Confederate Coast”

By now, my regular readers (both of you) are familiar with how my book previews work. I have hundreds of Civil War books that sit on my shelves unread, and in my limited time left the only thing that dictates what I’m going to read cover-to-cover is me. So most books I’m asked to discuss on this site only get the “preview” treatment. This is no judgement on the worth of the book. What I try to do here is apply the methodology I would use if I was looking at a title in the bookstore and deciding whether or not to shell out the cash. And I make that clear to the authors, publicists, and publishers when they ask to send me a book for perusal. I tell them I look at the foreword and any conclusion, but most importantly the illustrations (maps, mostly), notes, bibliography, and index. These things tell me a lot, and I’m guessing they tell you a lot, too. As a side note, I don’t review advanced reading copies or uncorrected proofs because, usually, these things are lacking in those formats.

So, I was a little surprised when I received Campaign for the Confederate Coast, by Gil Hahn, from West 88th Street Press. Surprised because it contains no foreword, no maps or other illustrations, no bibliography, no index. The notes are endnotes and unnumbered, employing the technique of identification by first few words of the paragraph being referenced. I at first assumed the copy I received was an ARC, but upon inquiry was informed that:

The author thinks that the lack of maps, bibliography, index, and real footnotes are standard academic complaints against popular books. Anyone with a rudimentary understanding of US geography knows where all the places are. Bibliography is a list of references already named in the notes. An index adds additional pages that most readers ignore.

With that being said, let’s look at Campaign for the Confederate Coast.

You get:

• 255 pages of text.
• 58 pages of endnotes.
• No foreword
• No bibliography.
• No index.
• No illustrations or maps.

From the back cover:

Readers will learn the story of blockade running from a nuanced, all-points-of-view perspective. Without recounting hundreds of encounters between pro-Confederate blockade runners and Federal blockading forces, it traces the ebb and flow of events as the U. S. Navy, blockade runners, and foreign governments (primarily the British) all pressed for advantage.

The book is blurbed by Allen C. Guelzo, William C. Davis, and James M. McPherson.

Gil Hahn is an attorney and historian who lives near Wilmington, Delaware.

See the author’s website.

Corp. Henry Ruffner Paine, Rockbridge Artillery, On Casualties

Sunday night, July 21st
By Camp Fire

Dear Father:

A tremendous battle took place to the West or North West of this point to-day. We have kept the field, and the enemy are reported in retreat; yet it is said that we are threatened with an attack from the East. It will hardly take place to night; and no one knows what tomorrow might bring. Reinforcements are hurrying up to the lines. My recruits and Campbell’s are encamped in part of the vacant quarters of the 17th Va., Infantry. Bowyer Brockenbrough is here, and remains with us to night. He is slightly wounded on the nose and arm. Kable is here and safe. Rollins is slightly wounded on the head. Charley Bell, of the College Boys, was mortally wounded by a cannon ball. Jim Edmondson reported wounded in the hand. Neff is here with two slight wounds. Preston, (Tom,) is with us. He saw part of the fight. Wallace Ruff slightly wounded in the arm. David unhurt. Algernon Wade unhurt and is here. He reports Ben also safe. Hileman scratched in the face. Bill Gordon lost his company in the forced march from Winchester and could not get up to the fight. Jack Jordon is slightly wounded in the leg by the bursting of one of the Southern Ammunition Boxes. Willoughby Brockenbrough is reported safe by Bowyer. Bowyer was knocked from his horse. He says no man flinched from his post. Sherman’s Battery was taken and re-taken twice. ‘Tis said it remains on our possession. The 4th Alabama was cut to pieces. We have numbers of wounded here, and I see part of the horrors of Battle. Gen. Jackson is safe – reported by Bow. Brockenbrough. Jim Suddarth, Parks and Charlton are here all safe, but the latter slightly wounded. Bradley, of the Col. Boys, is killed, so is Asbury McCluer and William Paxton. Ricket is here and safe. Rollins saw Will. Lewis coming from the field after the fight. Sed Davidson is wounded. Calvin Utz is wounded, but getting well. Richard Jordan is wounded. G. Strickler is wounded in the side by a shell, which wounded also the above mentioned College Boys. Horace Wallace is safe. Capt. Jas. J. White safe – was here awhile ago – did not see him. Bill Kahle says a grape shot slightly wounded him in the back – he is running all about. Alexander Wallace wounded in the shoulder. Reed Hanger is wounded. Can’t hear of M.X. White’s company having been in the fight. John Moore unwounded. Bumpus safe. So is Sam Smith and Lewis Paxton. Don’t know the force on either side – both very large and the loss heavy. Copeland Page is safe. Two Arnolds safe. Henry Myers safe, and Tedford Barclay, and Woods. I write on a rough board by the light of a camp fire. We heard the firing all day. Col. Ruff could get no permission for us to go to the camp, and we can’t tell when we can join our companies. Henry Campbell caught up with his men to-day and is here. Seven of my recruits (Artillery,) have volunteered to support a battery of heavy guns close to us if we are attacked to-night. Wm. Lewis and my cousin Bob are reported safe. McCown safe at last reports, was carrying Sed Davidson’s gun. Byeton safe, C. Strickler slightly wounded. Sherrard safe. James McCorkle of the Grays is killed. M.N. White’s company was hardly engaged. Our companies are much scattered. The Rifles tried the Bayonet once and the enemy ran. Capt. Pendleton safe. His company did great damage, helped to capture Sherman’s Battery. I can hear of no more of our boys, though I have taken much trouble. Capt. Pendleton’s Battery did not suffer much – Lieut. McLaughlin and Lieut. Davis are safe. Good bye.

H.

[Note: Per records, Henry Ruffner Paine did not enlist until 7/23/1861. The tone of this letter indicates his reporting on the battle is second-hand.]

Lexington (VA) Gazette, 7/25/1861

Contributed and transcribed by Eric Mink

Henry Ruffner Paine at Ancestry

Henry Ruffner Paine at Fold3

Henry Ruffner Paine at FindAGrave

Paine Family Papers at Virginia Museum of History

Image: Lt. Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore, Co. I, 2nd Virginia Infantry

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore (from FindAGrave)

Lt. Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore, Co. I, 2nd Virginia Infantry, On the Battle

Camp near Manassas July 27th 1861

My Dearest Ellen

It is so difficult, the way I am now situated, to write a letter, that I have it not in my power to let you hear from me as often as I wish, or as I would under other circumstances; the difficulty consists in the want of pen, ink and paper, and of any convenient way of writing. To illustrate, I am now sitting flat on the ground with a board on my knee, upon which rests a sheet of paper I begged of a friend, on which I am writing with a borrowed pen, with ink out of a borrowed inkstand. Had I paper, I could at least write with a pencil, but I have none, and all my efforts to purchase have proved unavailing. Never was a poor country so completely stripped of everything as this is–no stores, no houses of entertainment, houses all deserted of their inhabitants and occupied by troops, very many since the battle as hospitals for the wounded of both our own and the Federal armies–fences destroyed, fields laid waste, crops such as they had, very poor at best, destroyed and trampled–all these present but a portion of the dreaded effects of war.

The enemy, with less humanity than ordinarily is found with savage tribes, ran away from the battlefield on Sunday last, leaving many of their wounded and the dead upon the ground, to whom they have since paid no attention. Their wounded have been gathered up by our men, and are cared for like our own. Our soldiers too buried many of their killed until their bodies became so offensive as to sicken all who approached them, since which they have left them alone, and many bodies now lie on the field where they fell, a sad spectacle of mortality. It is usual to send a flag of truce to the battlefield after a fight is over, for the purpose of taking care of the wounded and the bodies of the dead. But the Yankees, either from excessive fright or from want of regard for the fallen, have failed to conform to this custom–hence this state of affairs of which I have spoken.

The whole condition of affairs has completely changed since we came here, at first no man dared to put his nose outside of our lines, for fear of being shot or captured by the federal pickets. Now our men can roam at large over the country, without the danger of meeting a yankee, unless it be a dead corpse in the fence corner or a half starved refugee begging for quarter or a mouthful to eat. These last they take prisoner and send them to Richmond to swell the trophies of our glorious victory.

You can form no idea of the terrific grandeur of the affair of Sunday last. Cannons booming, muskets rattling, shells bursting around us in every direction, troops marching, and at last gallant bayonet charges from our brave Southern troops, all tended to excite and stir up our men to brave deeds. Our regiment for nearly, if not quite 3 hours, stood under a raging fire of shot & shell without a falter, animated by the promise that at the proper time they should fire upon the enemy & follow the fire with the bayonet, but when the time came for this to be done, instead of ordering us to fire and advance, the Col gave the order to fall back.

I regret to say that Col Allen did not display courage or self possession on the battle field, whether he professes these qualities or not, and also that in his official report of the battle, which I have read, he does, to my certain knowledge, make an erroneous statement to screen himself from censure for his course on the field. These facts, of course, destroy all confidence in him, with every true man in his Regiment who knows them, and there is consequently great disaffection in the Regiment, amounting almost to disorganization. I doubt not too, that many trifling men among us, who are not attracted by principle in the war, are taking advantage of the present state of affairs hoping to get out of service entirely, so that altogether we are in an indifferent state. What will be the result of this I know not, but it may end in my throwing up my commission and shouldering a musket as a private in the ranks of some other regiment. After our Regiment retired on Sunday, I went into the battle with another Regiment, the 18th Virginia Regiment and flatter myself I did some pretty good fighting, but I was among strangers, and had I shown the courage of Julius Caesar, I would not have advanced the object I had in view; my intention has always been at the first battle; if I found I could stand it, to endeavor to do something which would give me an honorable mention of my name in the Colonel’s official report, so that I could make it the basis of an application for a commission in the Confederate States Army. Circumstances, which I have related, prevented this and although I have proof from several individuals that I did not play the coward in the fight, yet I am no nearer my commission that I was before. These matters, personal to myself, I mention to you, because I know that what interests me, is not uninteresting to you. Have you forgiven me for fooling you about my destination, when I saw you on my way here? Although I know it was for your good, yet I felt badly at practicing a deception on you. How are all my dear little children? Keep them for Papa. Tell Scolley if he had been here on Sunday last and heard the guns firing + the balls whistling he would no longer want to be a soldier. What is to be the little daughter’s name? I want you to make your own choice about it. “I hope it may not be long before I get to see you again, The enemy were so completely routed on Sunday that we now have no fears of an attack from them, and our troops are everyday drawing their lines nearer & nearer to Alexandria, without molestation. Soon will come the storming of Arlington Heights and then I think we will pause unless Maryland joins us, when we will whip the Yankees from her border. Some part of our army I think will be forced to the valley to drive the enemy from there…..

yrs fondly, Samuel J. C. Moore

From website tennrebgirl.com July 2012

Transcription by R. E. L. Krick

Contributed by Eric Mink

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore at Ancestry

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore at Fold3

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore at FindAGrave

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore papers at University of North Carolina

Samuel Johnson Cramer Moore biographical sketch

Boat Howitzers of Co. I, 71st New York State Militia

I wrote a bit about the newly installed boat howitzers to represent those of Co. I, 71st NYSM, on the left of the James Rifles of Reynolds’s Rhode Island battery on Matthews Hill (see here). And I shared a video I shot with Dana Shoaf of Civil War Times magazine and Manassas National Battlefield Park superintendent Brandon Bies at that site here. The day before that video, I stopped by the guns and took a few photos, which follow.

First, the wayside marker:

Next, a shot from the rear of each gun, looking towards Henry Hill.

You may notice the “hammer locks” on the breeches. One on the left of one gun, and on the right of the other. These guns didn’t use the friction primers that were inserted into holes in the breeches of most other guns you’ve seen. Instead, they had hammers which were brought down to fire these howitzers, similar to a musket. One lock being on the left and one on the right indicates that one of these guns was produced after 1864. Thanks to friend Craig Swain, who wrote about this type of cannon in a series of posts here. Below are a couple of images of the “hammer locks.”

Here’s a head on shot of one of the guns.

Last, here’s a view of the boat howitzers in line with Reynolds’s battery. Beyond is the Sudley Road, and beyond that, on Dogan Ridge, the first positions of Griffin’s and Ricketts’s guns. Take a look that way next time you’re out there. Few ever do.

Pvt. Robert LaFayette Francisco, Co. E, 4th Virginia Infantry, On the Battle

The following is from a member of Col. J. F. Preston’s Regiment, to his brother in this city:

Camp near Manassas, July 30, 1861.

We left Winchester on Thursday, with the impression that we were going to prevent the enemy from out-flanking us in the direction of Charlestown; but when a few miles from town we were told by our officers that we were on a forced march for this place to help Gen. Beauregard, and that we must make it in forty-eight hours, which we did, and had some eight hours to spare. We had one day’s rest, when, on Sunday morning, 21st, while preparing breakfast in the pines, our ears were saluted by the enemy’s artillery, and in a few moments a few bombs fell in our neighborhood. This was only a feint.–We were in a few moments on the march, and, after marching and counter-marching, and double-quicking it some twelve miles, we were brought up immediately behind our largest battery to support it, and at which the enemy were hurling a perfect sheet of grape, canister, and every other kind of shot. We soon took our positions and lay down upon the ground quietly for two hours and forty minutes in the hot sun. During this time the pine bushes behind us were literally mowed down, and many of our best men were killed lying there. Three were killed by a bomb-shell within a few feet of me, a part of whose blood was spattered upon me. A little further off five of our countrymen were killed without having moved from their positions. Gens. Johnston, Beauregard and Jackson rode before us and gave us a cheer. Gen. Beauregard’s horse was shot within my sight. After a while the enemy got on our flank, and commenced a brisk cross fire both with artillery and musketry, and I began to think that our case was a desperate one, for our men who were on our left fell back and let the enemy have their position in the pines. But we did not have long to think of our position, for we were ordered to charge and clear the field with the bayonet.–Up we jumped, gave a loud yell, and over the fence and through the pines we went until we met the enemy face to face. We were met at every step with a perfect shower of bullets, and I saw many noble fellows full by my side to rise no more. One shot passed through the leg of my pants, and another through my shirt, but nothing could stop us; on we went until we charged on and over Sherman’s famous battery, and our brave Colonel (James F. Preston) was first to mount it and place our colors upon it. So, let the world say what they will, the Fourth Regiment of Virginia Volunteers took it and held it, though we were aided by the Twenty-Seventh; but they were a long way from it when we captured it. I am told that others claim and have received all the honor of the capture, some of whom perhaps never saw it. We took in all ten pieces, having first killed nearly all their horses and men. The men that we fought were the Brooklyn Zouaves, a part of Ellsworth’s Regiment, and the regulars.–But they could not stand the cold steel, and I never in my life saw men run so fast after fighting as well as they did; for there is no denying the fact that they know how to shoot, and for a long time fought well.

After our cavalry took them on the run, I returned to the field and assisted in removing many of our wounded men, and I never again wish to witness such a scene. The cries of the wounded and dying for help and water are still ringing in my ears. I carried water and ministered to both friend and foe as long as I could. Of the number of prisoners and amount of property taken in this fight, you doubtless know as well, if not better than I do.

I had many interesting conversations with the enemy’s wounded, nearly all of whom said that they had been most grossly deceived, but I don’t believe one word that they say. Some, however, said that they would fight again if they got the chance. I saw many letters that they had written to their lady-loves, telling them to direct their letters to Richmond, as they would be there in a few days. I don’t suppose there ever were men who calculated more certainly on victory than these men; but, thanks be to God, there never were men more bitterly disappointed.

They say that they can fight men with some hope of success, but not devils.

So you see, in the whole matter, the “harmless Fourth,” as we are called, have performed their duty well, and God in his mercy gave us help and put a “panic” into the hearts of the Yankees, and they ran; therefore we ought to give Him all the glory and thanks.

We had, when we went into action, a little over four hundred in our regiment. Thirty-five were killed and ninety-eight wounded. Our loss was, therefore, heavy in proportion to the number engaged. Not one of the company to which I am attached (the Montgomery Highlanders, Captain C. A. Ronald,) was killed, and only six wounded. I am satisfied that nothing but the protecting care of our Heavenly Father saved us from so many imminent dangers.

R. L. F.

Richmond (VA) Daily Dispatch, 8/6/1861

Clipping image

Contributed and transcribed by Eric Mink

Robert L. Francisco at Ancestry

Robert L. Francisco at Fold3

Robert L. Francisco at FindAGrave

4th Virginia Infantry Roster

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